Phonological Data and Analysis最新文献

A formal typology of process interactions 流程互动的正式类型学

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2024-04-16 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v6art3.83

Eric Baković, Lev Blumenfeld

引用次数: 0

Sensitivity to complex onsets in Iron Ossetian 铁奥塞梯语中对复杂起音的敏感性

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2024-03-23 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v6art2.71

Amber Lubera

引用次数: 0

Contrast preservation and other segmental effects in the formation of Xochistlahuaca Amuzgo plurals Xochistlahuaca Amuzgo 多音节形成过程中的对比保留和其他语段效应

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2024-03-05 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v6art1.86

Bien Dobui, Noam Faust, Jair Apóstol Polanco

引用次数: 0

Tone, stress, and their interactions in Cushillococha Ticuna 库什洛科查语中的语调、重音及其相互作用

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v5art5.58

Amalia Skilton

引用次数: 0

Isomorphism between orthography and underlying forms in the syllabification of the Armenian schwa 亚美尼亚弱读音的音节正字法和基本形式之间的同构

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v5art4.68

Hossep Dolatian

{"title":"Isomorphism between orthography and underlying forms in the syllabification of the Armenian schwa","authors":"Hossep Dolatian","doi":"10.3765/pda.v5art4.68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v5art4.68","url":null,"abstract":"Orthographic representations are often derived from phonological analyses or representations, and can even lead to claims about phonological representations (Sproat 2000). In Armenian, many strings of orthographic consonants are broken up by schwas in pronunciation. As a grammatical process, this spelling-pronunciation mismatch is sensitive to a host of phonological, morphological, and morphophonological factors. I systematically catalog these factors, and this systematicity reinforces previous generative arguments that the orthographic form (without schwas) matches the underlying form (without schwas) (Vaux 1998). As for these factors, I argue that, phonologically, the epenthesis is triggered by directional syllabification and other syllabification-based constraints, including constraints on sibilant-stop contiguity (Itô 1989). Morphologically, epenthesis respects morpheme boundaries even when the boundary is semantically opaque, whether from prefixation, compounding, reduplication, or pseudo-reduplication. And from the morphophonology, there is evidence that epenthesis is simultaneously a phonological rule. It is an early lexical rule and it interacts opaquely with allomorphy and strata. Thus, this paper argues for a tight integration of orthographic, phonological, and morphological structures (cf. Boersma 2011; Hamann & Colombo 2017).","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128355427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Evidence for prosodic correspondence in the vowel alternations of Tgdaya Seediq Tgdaya Seediq元音变化韵律对应的证据

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v5art3.77

Jennifer Kuo

{"title":"Evidence for prosodic correspondence in the vowel alternations of Tgdaya Seediq","authors":"Jennifer Kuo","doi":"10.3765/pda.v5art3.77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v5art3.77","url":null,"abstract":"This paper brings new evidence for PROSODIC CORRESPONDENCE, where prosodic units (e.g. main-stressed nuclei and prominent syllables) of morphologically related forms are compared. Since prosodic correspondence was formalized in Crosswhite’s (1998) analysis of Chamorro, it has received almost no empirical discussion. I argue that Tgdaya Seediq (Austronesian, Atayalic) has vowel alternations that should be analyzed using prosodic correspondence. In Seediq, unsuffixed and suffixed forms tend to share the same stressed syllable nucleus. This VOWEL MATCHING pattern cannot be explained as surface harmony, but it can be explained as the result of a constraint enforcing vowel identity of main-stressed nuclei in morphologically related forms. Unlike the categorical alternations analyzed by Crosswhite (1998), Seediq vowel matching is gradient and only emerges on a statistical level. Nevertheless, prosodic correspondence appears to be active in the synchronic grammar of Seediq; in a production experiment, speakers applied vowel matching to novel forms and even over-generalized it to environments not predicted by lexical statistics. Vowel matching is modeled in Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar (Goldwater & Johnson 2003), a stochastic variant of OT. I use prosodic correspondence to enforce vowel matching, and Zuraw’s (2000, 2010) dual listing approach to capture the discrepancy between lexical and experimental results.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123992758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Reduplication, repetition and sound symbolism in Fungwa 复现，重复和声音的象征意义

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2023-03-09 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v5art2.72

S. Akinbo

引用次数: 0

Disentangling word stress and phrasal prosody: A view from Georgian 解词重音与短语韵律:来自格鲁吉亚语的观点

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2023-02-13 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v5art1.43

Lena Borise

{"title":"Disentangling word stress and phrasal prosody: A view from Georgian","authors":"Lena Borise","doi":"10.3765/pda.v5art1.43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v5art1.43","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the interaction of word stress and phrasal prosody in Georgian by studying the distribution of acoustic cues (duration, intensity, F0) in controlled data. The results show that initial syllables in Georgian words are marked by greater duration than all subsequent syllables, regardless of syllable count and phrasal context. After excluding domain-initial strengthening as an alternative explanation, this finding provides evidence in favor of fixed initial stress. Likewise, initial syllables are marked by greatest intensity, but the consistent gradual drop in intensity throughout the word suggests that this effect may not be stress-related. The F0 results align with the existing accounts: individual lexical words form ACCENTUAL PHRASES, marked by a low pitch accent on the initial syllable and a high final boundary tone on the final syllable. Additionally, new evidence for a phrasal accent, aligned with the penult, is presented. F0 targets are shown to be completely absent in the context of post-focal deaccenting, which shows that F0-marking in Georgian is reserved for phrasal prosody and is not intrinsic to stress-marking. These results help account for the facts related to word stress, phrasal intonation, and their interplay in Georgian, the object of debate in the literature.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129368210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

“Natural” stress patterns and dependencies between edge alignment and quantity sensitivity “自然”应力模式和边缘对齐和数量敏感性之间的依赖关系

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2022-12-27 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v4art6.65

Megan J. Crowhurst, L. Faircloth, Allison Wetterlin, L. Wheeldon

{"title":"“Natural” stress patterns and dependencies between edge alignment and quantity sensitivity","authors":"Megan J. Crowhurst, L. Faircloth, Allison Wetterlin, L. Wheeldon","doi":"10.3765/pda.v4art6.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v4art6.65","url":null,"abstract":"We conducted an artificial language learning experiment to study learning asymmetries that might reveal latent preferences relating to, and any dependencies between, the edge alignment and quantity sensitivity (QS) parameters in stress patterning. We used a poverty of the stimulus approach to teach American English speakers an unbounded QS stress rule (stress a single CV: syllable) and either a left- or right-aligning QI rule if only light syllables were present. Forms with two CV: syllables were withheld in the learning phase and added in the test phase, forcing participants to choose between left- and right-aligning options for the QS rule. Participants learned the left- and right-edge QI rules equally well, and also the basic QS rule. Response patterns for words with two CV: syllables suggest biases favoring a left-aligning QS rule with a left-edge QI default. Our results also suggest that a left-aligning QS pattern with a rightedge QI default was least favored. We argue that stress patterns shown to be preferred based on evidence from ease-of-learning and participants’ untrained generalizations can be considered more natural than less favored opposing patterns. We suggest that cognitive biases revealed by artificial stress learning studies may have contributed to shaping stress typology.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"35 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124982877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Sibilant mergers in 18th-century Basque: A quantitative study 18世纪巴斯克语的音节合并:定量研究

Phonological Data and Analysis Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.3765/pda.v4art5.67

D. Krajewska, Eneko Zuloaga, Ander Egurtzegi

{"title":"Sibilant mergers in 18th-century Basque: A quantitative study","authors":"D. Krajewska, Eneko Zuloaga, Ander Egurtzegi","doi":"10.3765/pda.v4art5.67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v4art5.67","url":null,"abstract":"Conservative Basque dialects distinguish apical and laminal alveolar sibilants in the fricative and affricate series. This paper analyses the changes this system was undergoing in the Central Basque variety of San Sebastián in the 18th century: (1) the “Western merger”: neutralisation of the laminal and apical fricative sibilants in favour of the latter and the neutralisation of the laminal and apical alveolar affricates in favour of the former, which started in Western Basque and spread to some Central varieties, and (2) the “Central merger”, a more recent development, limited to some central dialects, where both fricative and affricate alveolar sibilants are realised as laminals. A generalised linear mixed-effects model was fitted to the data extracted from an early-18th-century manuscript which shows evidence of both patterns of merger. We propose that sibilant mergers were still in progress in the variety and time period under study and that they are interrelated processes. The Western merger started as a phonetically-conditioned sound change due to coarticulation to a following consonant. As this neutralisation extended to other positions, a hypercorrective change was initiated in some Central varieties, which eventually resulted in a mirror-image process, namely a change from apical to laminal fricatives.","PeriodicalId":293354,"journal":{"name":"Phonological Data and Analysis","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131795662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0