Southeast Asian Affairs最新文献_第6页

Rent Capitalism and Shifting Plantations in the Mekong Borderlands 湄公河边缘地区的租金资本主义与种植园转移

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-013

Yos Santasombat

引用次数: 1

Indonesia-China Relations: Coming Full Circle? 印尼与中国关系:又回到原点了吗?

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-011

Dewi Fortuna Anwar

{"title":"Indonesia-China Relations: Coming Full Circle?","authors":"Dewi Fortuna Anwar","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-011","url":null,"abstract":"The bilateral relations between Indonesia and the People’s Republic of China seem to have come full circle. The current state of relations between Jakarta and Beijing brings to mind the earlier period of close bilateral ties during the later years of President Sukarno’s presidency until his fall in late 1965. Although President Soeharto had already normalized relations with China in 1990 — after freezing diplomatic ties in 1967 — bilateral relations between Indonesia and China only improved significantly after the fall of Soeharto in mid-1998. Successive Indonesian presidents since the onset of the Reformasi era have placed great importance in forging closer relations with China, an increasingly important economic powerhouse as well as a major regional and global player. The momentum for enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and China gathered pace during the Yudhoyono presidency (2004–14) with the signing of the “Strategic Partnership” in 2005, which was then elevated to a “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” in 2013. Under President Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi), Indonesia-China relations have become even closer, especially in the economic field. China is now Indonesia’s most important trading partner and a major source of foreign investment for the government’s signature infrastructure projects, while Chinese tourists constitute the largest group of visitors to Indonesia. The increasingly close economic relations between Indonesia and China, particularly under the Jokowi presidency, and their wider social, political and security ramifications have attracted considerable scholarly attention lately, as","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"44 1","pages":"145 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85035762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 11

Regional Integration in Asia and the Pacific, and Dealing with Short and Long Term Challenges 亚太区域一体化与应对短期和长期挑战

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-003

Jayant Menon

{"title":"Regional Integration in Asia and the Pacific, and Dealing with Short and Long Term Challenges","authors":"Jayant Menon","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-003","url":null,"abstract":"In the last few decades, Asia and the Pacific has established itself as a formidable economic force that has proven remarkably resilient to difficulties, weathering both the Asian financial crisis in 1997 and the global financial crisis (GFC) in 2008. While countries elsewhere on the globe continue to struggle to shake off the worst effects of the 2008 GFC, Asia and the Pacific has continued to prosper and post gains in economic growth and poverty eradication. Coming into 2018, the outlook for the region was largely optimistic. Early in the year, the global trade slowdown, which started around 2010, appeared to have begun bottoming out, with East and Southeast Asia in particular leading the recovery. Export growth in the second half of 2017 reached 7.9 per cent in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and 16.5 per cent in the five largest ASEAN economies: Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam. That Asia and the Pacific managed to achieve this in the midst of growing protectionism elsewhere speaks volumes about the region’s commitment to regional and global integration. Unfortunately, more recent data suggests that the recovery in global trade may have been short-lived. With growth expected to ease in some advanced economies, the growth in world trade is projected to decline slightly from 4.7 per cent in","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"21 - 41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80532567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Vietnam in 2018: A Rent-Seeking State on Correction Course 2018年的越南:一个正在纠正的寻租国家

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-024

Alexander Vuving

引用次数: 6

Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy" and Its Implication for ASEAN 日本“自由开放的印太战略”及其对东盟的启示

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-007

Tomohiko Satake

{"title":"Japan's \"Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy\" and Its Implication for ASEAN","authors":"Tomohiko Satake","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-007","url":null,"abstract":"In August 2016, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy” (FOIPs) at the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) held in Kenya. Since then, many researchers, journalists and policymakers have discussed what the FOIP Strategy, and the broader concept of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), exactly means. For some, FOIPs is essentially an exclusive concept that views China as “a hostile existential threat to regional (and global) order, prosperity, and Western interests”. Such a view tends to see Abe’s FOIPs primarily as a geopolitical strategy aimed at countering Chinese power and influence by creating a maritime coalition with regional democracies, represented by the Quadrilateral Security Cooperation (Quad) between Japan, Australia, India and the United States. The FOIPs is also commonly seen as a competitor or “geoeconomic” strategy against China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by providing the region with alternatives to BRI projects. For others, however, FOIPs is an inclusive concept that ultimately aims to incorporate China and other powers in an inclusive political and economic system in the Indo-Pacific. Such a view, often stressed by the Japanese government and its officials, tends to dismiss the geopolitical aspect of FOIPs and argues that FOIPs is a comprehensive framework or “vision” for Japanese regional policies, mostly its economic and development cooperation such as infrastructure development and support for regional connectivity. This kind of view also stresses the cooperative, as well as the competitive, aspects of FOIPs by pointing out many overlaps or","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"22 1","pages":"69 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82939561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 16

Singapore in 2018: Between Uncharted Waters and Old Ghosts 2018年的新加坡:在未知水域和旧幽灵之间

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-020

G. Wong, Woo Jun Jie

引用次数: 0

The Rise of China, New Immigrants and Changing Policies on Chinese Overseas: Impact on the Philippines 中国的崛起、新移民和海外华人政策的变化:对菲律宾的影响

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-019

Teresita Ang See, Carmelea Ang See

{"title":"The Rise of China, New Immigrants and Changing Policies on Chinese Overseas: Impact on the Philippines","authors":"Teresita Ang See, Carmelea Ang See","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-019","url":null,"abstract":"The year 2018 marked forty years since the economic reforms in China were ushered in by Deng Xiaopeng. China and the overseas Chinese community commemorated the anniversary with conferences, forums, exhibits and other celebratory activities worldwide to share China’s achievements and the phenomenal success of its economic reforms and developmental model. China’s rise to become the world’s second-biggest economy has benefitted both the Philippines and the region. For the Philippines, China’s capital (through loans or grants) and expertise in building infrastructure and boosting agricultural production would be key in stimulating Philippine economic growth and development. This has also been accompanied by new migration patterns and business overtures to the Philippines, especially under the Belt and Road Initiative. The past decade has seen a sharp rise in the number of new immigrants from China, particularly in the past two years since the election of President Rodrigo R. Duterte in 2016. They continue to pour into the Philippines, some seeking residency legally through investment and retirement visas or special working permits. The presence of the new Chinese immigrants has caused some tensions and complications in the Philippines, especially among the local ethnic Chinese community. The Chinese-Filipinos, or Tsinoys, sometimes find themselves embroiled in the popular discontent against China and Chinese immigrants. This","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"275 - 294"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74919012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 4

GE14 in East Malaysia: MA63 and Marching to a Different Drum 东马第14届大选:MA63与另行其道

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-015

James Chin

{"title":"GE14 in East Malaysia: MA63 and Marching to a Different Drum","authors":"James Chin","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-015","url":null,"abstract":"While most scholars argued that 1MDB, Najib and kleptocracy, and the reputation of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) were key factors in the historical defeat of UMNO and the Barisan Nasional (BN) in the 2018 general elections, a key part of the shock election outcome has received scant attention: Sabah and Sarawak. If there is one single issue in East Malaysia that rallied the polity, it is the issue of the 1963 Malaysia Agreement (MA63) and the rise of state nationalism. In this chapter, I seek to explain how the MA63 issue became the mainstay of political debate and was the source of historical grievances and the political upheavals caused by the 2018 GE.In Sabah, the opposition led by the combined Parti Warisan Sabah (Warisan or Sabah Heritage Party) and Pakatan Harapan (PH) won the parliamentary elections convincingly when it took 15 of 25 seats. At the state level, the Warisan-PH alliance won 29 of 60 seats. These are outstanding results for a two-year-old party. In Sarawak, the opposition managed to win 12 of the state’s 31 parliamentary seats. (There was no state election, as Sarawak holds their state elections separately.) In the 2013 general elections, the opposition only managed to win 3 parliamentary seats in Sabah and 6 in Sarawak. The opposition thus made major inroads in East Malaysia this round. They managed to replace the Barisan-led state government in Sabah, while laying the foundations for a real challenge to the incumbent in Sarawak when the next state election, due in 2021, comes around. In both Sabah and Sarawak, state nationalism, autonomy and MA63 were key themes used by all sides.","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"211 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87056044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

Thailand in 2018: Military Dictatorship under Royal Command 2018年的泰国:皇家指挥下的军事独裁

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-021

Eugénie Mérieau

引用次数: 5

Laos on the Path to Socialism? 老挝走上社会主义道路?

Southeast Asian Affairs Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-012

B. Rehbein

引用次数: 3