Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal最新文献

{"title":"The South and Alternative Models of Trade and Investment Regulation – Australia, China and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership","authors":"Vivienne Bath","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2644013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2644013","url":null,"abstract":"After a relatively slow beginning, the countries of East and South-East Asia, including Australia and New Zealand, have greatly expanded their network of bilateral and pluri-lateral regional agreements dealing with investment and trade in the form both of bilateral investment agreements and free trade agreements. Currently, the ASEAN states and its six main partners, the developing countries of China, Korea and India, and the developed countries of Japan, Australia and New Zealand, are negotiating a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which is intended to cover trade in goods and services, investment, competition, intellectual property and a range of other issues. At the same time, countries such as Australia and China are considered by the OECD to maintain highly restrictive investment regimes. Australia, which is both a capital exporting and importing state, now has FTAs with investment provisions with ASEAN, Japan and Korea and hopes to finalize its agreements with China towards the end of 2015. Although Australia cannot be placed in the category of a Southern country, its middle-level economy, and its role as a recipient of capital investment, presents some rather different issues to the developing-developed country analysis. China, although a developing country, is a world leader in both inbound and outbound investment, and the expansion of its investments in Asia and elsewhere presents a number of issues for its neighbors and for its own policies. This paper will focus on Australian and Chinese investment in the context of developments in the region and explore the legal tools that these two countries undertake, both at the international and the national levels, to implement their own development policies, particularly in the context of investment.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"79 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127012199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Value of NATO Option for a New Member","authors":"V. Kanniainen, Staffan Ringbom","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2622388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2622388","url":null,"abstract":"The paper introduces a welfarist approach to the national safety of a nation with membership in a defense alliance as an option. The members are risk averse but heterogeneous in their safety classification. There are two public goods as insurance devices, the domestic military budget and the incremental safety provided by the membership in the alliance. The commitment of the alliance in the creation of safety is, however, imperfect. A sufficient condition is stated for the non-membership. Under a positive option value of the membership, several adverse incentive effects shaping the option value are identified, including the incentive to free ride in domestic defense investment and a moral hazard effect in terms of national commitment to the defense effort. The cost of participation is determined in the spirit of the median voter theorem. The alliance equilibrium is shown to be of two potential types, a stable alliance equilibrium with a positive mass and or a degenerate one with one member only. The driving force in the adjustment of the alliance is its size relative to the safety class of the median voter. Expectations of the decision making of the co-members concerning the commitment can result in multiple equilibria.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133069888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Unreliable Allies? Democratic Reliability and Coalition Warfare in Iraq","authors":"Patrick A. Mello","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2562570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2562570","url":null,"abstract":"When do democracies become ‘unreliable’ alliance partners? Existing studies make conflicting claims about the alliance behavior of democracies. Some argue that democratic leaders are hardly constrained by domestic considerations in their decision-making, even when the public is largely opposed to a military commitment. Others contest that domestic politics does matter and, specifically, that election cycles influence decisions on whether to withdraw from an operation or to participate in the first place. This paper puts these arguments to an empirical test, investigating alliance dynamics for 29 democracies that participated in the ad hoc coalition for Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) between 2003 and 2010. Employing fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA), the paper takes a set-theoretic approach that emphasizes the combination and interaction of the preconditions of coalition withdrawal. This complements and goes beyond existing studies that have been mainly formal and statistical work. The paper specifically focuses on the election cycle, government turnover, and partisanship as conditions that potentially cause withdrawal decisions.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"149 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116835679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"한국의 유라시아 협력 전략 연구: 중견국 전략의 사례와 EEU가 한국에 주는 함의를 중심으로 (A Study on Korean Cooperative Strategy for Eurasia)","authors":"Park Sang Nam","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2639993","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2639993","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Korean Abstract:</b> 본 연구의 핵심 목표는 한국외교가 ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’ 성공은 물론 남북분단을 뛰어넘어 국제적 차원의 리더십을 확보하고 국제사회와의 연대를 통해 장기적인 국익을 지속적으로 실현해나가기 위해 무엇을 준비해야 하는가에 대한 방안을 모색하는 것이다. 본 연구는 그 대안으로 한국이 중견국가의 길을 가야 한다고 제안하고자 한다. 현 정부가 주요 대외정책 중의 하나로 표방하고 있는 ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’는 한국이 중견국가의 길을 걷지 않고는 원천적으로 실현 불가능한 정책이기 때문이다. 거대한 유라시아 대륙을 하나의 시장과 교류의 공간으로 묶어내기 위해서는 수많은 국가의 이해와 갈등을 조정하고 국가간 연대를 이끌어내야만 한다. 그러기 위해서는 한국이 국제사회의 평화와 안정, 공동 번영을 위한 명분과 의제를 선제적으로 제시하고 이를 추진해나가는 중견국가로서의 일관된 의지와 행동을 보여주어야 한다. 이런 과정을 통해 한국이 여타 국가들의 동의와 참여를 이끌어낼 수 있는 국제적 리더십을 확보하지 않고서는 ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’는 공허한 메아리로 끝날 가능성이 크다. ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’가 생명력을 갖기 위해서는 단기적인 이익보다는 중․장기적인 대의와 명분을 추구하고, 어느 한쪽에 편중되지 않는 중립성과 균형감 있는 행동으로 유라시아 대륙의 모든 국가가 공평하게 이익을 볼 수 있는 의제와 정책들을 제시하기 위해 노력해야 한다. 그러나 유감스럽게도 현재 제시되고 있는 ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’는 구호만 있을 뿐 구체적인 내용과 정책이 부족하며, 무엇보다도 이를 실현하기 위해서 한국이 어떤 자격을 갖추어야 하며 대내외적으로 무엇을 준비해야 하는지를 명확하게 제시하지 못하고 있다. 이러한 한계를 극복하지 못한다면 ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’는 단기적 선언으로 끝날 가능성이 크다. 본 연구의 주요 목적은 한국이 ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’를 추진하기 위해 선행적으로 무엇을 준비해야 하는가를 모색해보는 것이다. 그 대안으로 본 연구가 제시하는 방향은 바로 한국이 중견국가의 길을 담대하게 가야 한다는 것이다. 이는 비단 ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’에 국한된 것이 아니라 남북분단을 뛰어넘어 국제적 차원의 리더십을 확보하고 여타 국가들과의 연대를 통해 장기적인 국익을 지속적으로 실현해나가기 위해서도 꼭 필요한 방향이다. 따라서 궁극적으로 한국이 중견국가의 길을 가도록 하기 위해서 본 연구는 다음 질문에 대한 설명을 시도하고자 한다. 먼저 한국이 추구해야 할 중견국가의 개념과 특성은 무엇이고, 그 유형은 어떠한가? 한국이 ‘유라시아 이니셔티브’의 성공을 위해 협력해야 할 유라시아 대륙의 주요 거점 중견국인 터키와 카자흐스탄은 어떠한 중견국가의 길을 가고 있는가? 이러한 이론과 유형, 사례들이 한국에 주는 정책적 함의는 무엇인가? 한국이 경제적․제도적 균형과 협력루트의 다원화를 통해 중견국가의 길을 가기 위한 하나의 방안으로서 유라시아경제연합(EEU)이 주는 함의는 무엇인가? 본 연구는 부족하나마 이러한 질문에 대한 답을 모색해보고자 한다. 여기서 터키와 카자흐스탄을 주요 분석대상으로 선정한 것은 양국이 다음과 같은 점에서 한국의 유라시아 협력전략에서 매우 중요한 핵심국가이기 때문이다. 터키와 카자흐스탄은 한국과 같이 유라시아 대륙의 지정학적 요충지에 위치해 있고, 가장 적극적으로 중견국가를 지향하고 있으며, 강대국들의 이해가 첨예하게 만나는 지역인 동시에 유라시아 대륙의 물류, 통신망을 하나로 연결하기 위한 핵심 거점지역에 위치하고 있다. 그리고 터키와 카자흐스탄은 유럽과 아시아를 연결하는 매개자를 자임하고 있어 유라시아 대륙의 연대와 소통에 핵심적 역할을 할 수 있다는 점에서 이 양국과 한국의 협력이 필수적이라는 판단이다. 또한 본 연구가 EEU에 주목하는 것은 이 경제협력체가 한국이 유라시아 대륙에서 경제적․제도적 균형과 협력루트의 다원화를 통해 중견국가의 길을 가기 위한 대안 중 하나가 될 수 있기 때문이다. 더욱이 EEU 참여국가들과 한국은 산업구조적으로 상호보완적일 뿐만 아니라 궁극적으로 EU와의 경제권 통합을 표방하고 있다는 점에서 한국의 유라시아 이니셔티브와 정책적으로 호응하는 측면이 적지 않다. 이와 같이 다양한 중견국가의 사례와 EEU에 대한 분석은 한국이 국제적 신뢰와 리더십 확립, 다양한 외교적 옵션 확장, 경제적․제도적 세력균형을 이루기 위해 다음과 같은 정책적 보안이 필요함을 제시해주고 있다. 첫째, 중견국가의 자격에는 물리적 조건뿐만이 아니라 국제평화와 공동발전을 위한 일관된 의지와 정책의 실천이 더욱 중요하다는 점이다. 한국은 그동안 급속한 경제발전으로 외형적 조건은 충족되었지만 일관된 의지와 실천이라는 면에서 아직 부족하다. 따라서 한국은 중장기적 외교정책의 지향점과 전략을 수립하고 이를 바탕으로 일관된 정책방향을 설정할 필요가 있다. 터키와 카자흐스탄은 한국과 같이 강대국들의 첨예한 세력경쟁이 벌어지는 지역에 위치해 있고 상대적으로 국력이 열세에 있으면서도 중견국으로서 일관된 의지와 정책을 실천함으로써 지정학적 열세를 오히려 강점으로 전환시키고 있다. 둘째, 터키와 카자흐스탄의 사례에서 볼 수 있듯이 중견국가를 지향하기 위해서는 자국의 정체성과 국제적 사명감을 뒷받침하는 사상적 배경이 필요하다. 그러나 한국은 중․장기적으로 대외정책의 방향을 결정할 국가적 정체성과 철학적 배경에 대한 재정립과 국내적 합의가 아직 이루어지지 않았다. 따라서 정권에 따라 대외정책에 부침이 있고, 정책의 일관성과 지속성에 한계를 보이는 경우가 적지 않았다. 따라서 한국외교의 가치와 철학적 담론에 대한 정립이 필요하다. 셋째, 개별국가의 진정한 힘은 소프트파워를 통한 외교전략에서 창출된다. 터키의 경우 자국의 역사․문화적인 자산을 활용하여 다양한 차원에서 중견국의 역할을 수행하고 있다. 한국 역시 수많은 역사․문화적 자산을 가진 국가이며 현대의 한류는 유라시아 대륙 국가들에서 통할 만큼 보편성이 있다. 그러나 외교정책 차원에서 이러한 자산을 전략자원화하여 정교하게 활용하는 데는 아직 부족하다. 따라서 다양한 역사적․문화적 자산을 활용한 다각적이고 보다 정교한 소프트파워 정","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131013162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Question of Afghanistan and Its Impact on U.S. Relations with Pakistan: The Need for Pragmatic Engagement","authors":"Isaac Kfir","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2523386","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2523386","url":null,"abstract":"Relations between the U.S. and Pakistan have always been cyclical, oscillating from collaboration and friendship to noncooperation and enmity. A core reason for this is a failure by consecutive American administration to understand the nature of the Pakistani political system, in which social groups are central. Accordingly, U.S. policymakers have expectations and make demands that often manifest through the rubric of democracy promotion. The paper identifies two key obstacles to democracy promotion in Pakistan: ungoverned territories and social identity groups. The section examines these elements in respect to Afghanistan. The reason for that is because the second section expands the argument by shifting attention to U.S. policymakers who appear to have place Afghanistan at the heart of U.S. engagement in South Asia. In doing so, it is argue that as long as Afghanistan remains key to U.S. national security concerns, American interaction with Pakistan remains limited because the relations are not about the U.S. and Pakistan per se, but rather on how Pakistan can help the U.S. meet its national security interests in Afghanistan.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129558820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Deadlock or Restraint? The Security Council Veto and the Use of Force in Syria","authors":"P. Webb","doi":"10.1093/JCSL/KRU018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JCSL/KRU018","url":null,"abstract":"The situation in Syria has revived the use of the veto power by some of the permanent five members of the Security Council. Repeated vetoes of draft resolutions and even the mere threat of a veto have stalled negotiations and rendered the Security Council largely passive in the face of mass atrocity. This article examines what this situation means for the accountability of the Security Council under international law. It concludes that there is no legal requirement at the present time for P5 members to abstain from the use of veto nor is the Security Council legally responsible for the internationally wrongful acts being committed in Syria. It considers the limited prospects for reforming the veto power through formal and informal changes to practice. The article suggests recasting the veto as a neutral technique, neither good nor bad. Some situations may call for the Security Council to encourage discussion and in-depth consideration of alternatives to the use of force. The veto power may create a more circumspect Council, which may be the more accountable entity in certain circumstances.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124042272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The United States Response to the 9/11 Terror Attacks: A New Paradigm for State Responsibility?","authors":"J. Jolley","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2479750","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2479750","url":null,"abstract":"By invading Afghanistan and holding the Taliban, in part, responsible for the acts of al Qaeda and the 9/11 terror attacks, the United States, NATO, and the Security Council altered the existing customary international law for State responsibility. This paper looks at the framework for creating custom and the acts of the parties involved to discern that an new exception to the existing State responsibility framework was created.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124704650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"India as a Regional Security Provider: From Activism to Forced Diffidence","authors":"Harsh V. Pant","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2464178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2464178","url":null,"abstract":"India’s economic rise and concomitant expansion of its military capabilities has engendered calls for New Delhi to assume greater responsibility in the management of regional security, especially in its immediate vicinity. But while India’s growing role as a security provider in East and South-east Asia as well as in the larger Indian Ocean region is garnering a lot of attention, it is in India’s immediate neighbourhood that New Delhi finds itself constrained to an unprecedented degree. This paper examines India’s role as a regional security provider by looking into four categories of security governance (assurance, prevention, protection and compellence). It argues that India’s role as a regional security provider will remain circumscribed by the peculiar regional constraints India faces.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127168581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The 40th Anniversary of Korea-India Amity: Evaluation and Prospects of the Trade Sector","authors":"Woong Lee, Young Chul Song, Jung Mi Lee","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2627534","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2627534","url":null,"abstract":"The year 2013 represents the 40th anniversary of the establishment of Korea-India diplomatic relations. This report is prepared to evaluate the achievements and the future challenges in Korea-India economic cooperation. The study analyzes trade relations using all available sources from the 1970s until today as the trade sector is the most influential among all sectors between Korea and India in terms of their bilateral economic cooperation.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117294994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Central American Migrants in Mexico: Implications for U.S. Security and Immigration Policy","authors":"Amelia Frank‐Vitale","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2412769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2412769","url":null,"abstract":"Central American migrants are fleeing increasingly untenable conditions in their home countries. Corruption among Mexican officials and tightened security at borders and checkpoints inside Mexico push these migrants into the hands of criminal organizations while in transit. As such, they are vulnerable to extortion, assault, kidnapping, and murder by those organizations and corrupt authorities. Members of the Catholic Church are stepping in to protect and advocate on behalf of migrants attempting the hazardous trek through Mexico, often atop freight trains, but hundreds of thousands are facing daunting, often lethal perils. The result is a humanitarian crisis that simultaneously strengthens criminal organizations – the unanticipated consequences, as seen by the Church and human rights advocates, of both U.S. and Mexican security and border control policies. Without changes in those policies, they believe, there is little chance that this situation will be overcome. As conditions continue to deteriorate in Honduras and elsewhere in Central America’s Northern Triangle, and the U.S. promises ever-stricter border enforcement, both the volume of out-migration of these refugees and the threats to the physical wellbeing of migrants will likely increase.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131194510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}