{"title":"Protecting Dayton’s Shared Governance by Countering Faux Narratives of Russia’s Influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"Marta Vrbetic","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.10","url":null,"abstract":"It is well-known that Russia seeks to undermine the Western order in the Balkans, such as supporting Serbs in their rejection of NATO membership for Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, some assertions of Russia’s influence discussed here show no merit and seem to have been brought to delegitimize the Western installed peace order vital to the stability of the region: the 1-2-3 Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) with one state, two entities, and three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats). The meaningless assertions include disinformation against High Representative Schmidt as a Russia man; the misrepresentation of the U.S. -E.U. led electoral reform as the one benefitting Russia; the frequently repeated falsehoods that NATO and EU member state Croatia is aligned with Putin or that some U.S. officials embrace Russia’s values. Such disinformation narratives do not show the ties between the supposed Russian assets and Kremlin, nor do they demonstrate that the alleged pro-Russian actors pursue pro-Kremlin policies. Instead, they tend to be based on the ludicrous claims that the very support for the Dayton categories of ethnic power-sharing reflects the embrace of Russia’s values under President Putin. Striking at the core of the Dayton peace bargain, the anti-Dayton unitarists want the DPA to guarantee BiH’s external borders, while urging the international community to dismiss the DPA designed two-entity state structure (important to Serbs) or ethnic power-sharing (important to Croats) to impose a centralized, unitary state with a majority rule, or the so-called “civic state.” However, besides thwarting (Serb) secessionism and (Croat) separatism, the purpose of Dayton has been to prevent (Bosniak) majoritarianism. The intensity of the debate surrounding the disinformation activities discussed here shows that--though the DPA still remains relevant to the BiH postwar peace and the Western Balkans stability--the consensus on what Dayton is or should be is now collapsing.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"118 14","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140708932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Zaštita okoliša tijekom provedbe vojnih aktivnosti u obalnom području na primjeru rta Kamenjak","authors":"Blaž Beretin, Mladen Viher","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.9","url":null,"abstract":"Zaštita okoliša tijekom provedbe vojnih aktivnosti u obalnom području na primjeru Rta Kamenjak obuhvaća sagledavanje i definiranje suvremenih izazova i strategije zaštite važnih interesa RH kao suverene države na primjeru vojnog modela uporabe i zaštite vrijedne mikro-lokacije na Jadranu kao što je zaštićeno područje Rt Kamenjak. U početnom dijelu poglavlja je opisana flora i fauna na kopnenom i morskom prostoru te su opisane odgovornosti, mjere i postupci svih korisnika radi zaštite okoliša. Opširnije je opisano područje Kamenjaka koje je zbog svojih posebnosti proglašeno značajnim krajobrazom. Opisani su uvjeti uporabe i zaštite prostora, područja primjene posebnih mjera uređenja i zaštite prostora uključujući položaj i posebnosti s kvantitativnim pokazateljima, koji su definirani Prostornim planom Istarske županije. Kako bi se što bolje razumio odnos vojne organizacije pri uporabi ovog prostora, posebno su razmotreni i opisani postupci planiranja, provedbe i nadzora utjecaja vojnih aktivnosti na okoliš.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"97 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140709286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Enhancing Cyber Security and Counterintelligence in the Shipping Industry","authors":"A. Kanellopoulos","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.6","url":null,"abstract":"The contemporary cyber threat landscape presents a complex tapestry of challenges, featuring diverse actors ranging from non-state entities like organized crime syndicates and terrorist organizations to state-sponsored operatives affiliated with nations such as China, Russia, and Iran. Motivations driving these actors span from financial gain to ideological pursuits and geopolitical objectives, resulting in a wide range of cyber operations aimed at individuals, businesses, and governments worldwide. These high-profile incidents underscore the disruptive potential, and strategic implications need of a comprehensive Shipping Industry's Cyber Counterintelligence approach, to safeguard critical assets and operations in an increasingly digitized environment.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"2007 14","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140718581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Matrix Adaptation for Modern Challenges","authors":"Milica Ćurčić, Zoran Dragišić, Marina Dabetić","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.4","url":null,"abstract":"Donald Nuechterlein's matrix for researching the intensity of national interest holds a pivotal position in the field of national interest research within international relations and security sciences. Widely adopted, this matrix serves as a fundamental tool for theorists, either in its original form or with various modifications tailored to enhance precision in measuring investigated phenomena. This paper presents both Nuechterlein's original matrix and several of its adaptations.The primary contribution of this paper lies in the author's modification of the matrix, resulting in the creation of a tailored analytical framework for investigating national security issues. By incorporating the parameter of internal stability of homeland, this adapted matrix becomes particularly adequate for examining a state's national security policy. The recognition that national interest encompasses both internal and external dimensions, related to the political stability and order of the state as well as its international position and security, underscores the paper's significance. This enhanced matrix offers researchers and policymakers a more comprehensive tool for nuanced analyses of national security concerns.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140717347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Suvremeni izvori gospodarskog rasta u procesu uključivanja Bosne i Hercegovine u Europsku uniju","authors":"Marko Tomljanović, Dragan Mišetić, Sanja Gongeta","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.7","url":null,"abstract":"Bosna i Hercegovina i ostale zemlje Zapadnog Balkana kao najvažniji dugoročni strateški cilj postavile su ostvarivanje punopravnog članstva u EU. U ožujku 2024. godine Bosna i Hercegovina je dobila odobrenje Europske komisije za otvaranje pristupnih koraka, što zasigurno predstavlja veliki korak, ali istodobno i značajan izazov u procesu prilagodbe europskom gospodarskom i socijalnom sustavu. Pritom, veliki napori bit će usmjereni na prilagodbu suvremenoj europskoj razvojnoj paradigmi temeljenoj na ulaganjima u istraživanje i razvoj, obrazovanju te ostvarenju održivog razvoja. Cilj provedenog istraživanja jest pregled teorijskih aspekata ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj kao čimbenika gospodarskog rasta te analizagospodarskog stanja te stanje ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj u Bosni i Hercegovini. Svrha je, pregledom teorijskih postavki te analizom ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj, identificirati znanstveno utemeljene mjere i instrumente nužne za implementaciju društva znanja u Bosni i Hercegovini te za definiranje i implementaciju strukturnih promjena. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na značajna zaostajanja gospodarstva Bosne i Hercegovine za razvojnim razinama EU, kao i na nepovoljno stanje ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj i ostalih suvremenih izvora gospodarskog rasta. Daljnji napredak gospodarstva Bosne i Hercegovine te ostvarenje punopravnog članstva u EU uvelike će ovisiti o implementaciji dostupnih financijskih instrumenata te stvaranju uvjeta za provedbu strukturnih promjena, temeljenih na zahtjevima održivog razvoja te zelene i digitalne transformacije.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"2016 26","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140718394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Hibridna inteligencija kao nositelj protuobavijesti I hibridnih prijetnji u kiberprostoru","authors":"Nikola Mlinac","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"Društvene su mreže postale snažna medijska i komunikacijska sredstva koja državnim akterima u kiberprostoru pružaju adekvatnu potporu prilikom planiranja i izvođenja operacija utjecaja. U tom kontekstu prikazat će se novi obrasci u planiranju i izvođenju prikrivenih napadačkih informacijskih operacija u kojima ključnu ulogu imaju sustavi umjetne inteligencije koje koriste društvene mreže. Na taktičkoj razini ovi se sustavi koriste kako bi se osobni podaci korisnika društvenih mreža o političkim, ideološkim i vjerskim uvjerenjima te sklonostima nasilnom ekstremizmu, radikalizmu i terorizmu iskorištavali za stvaranje hibridnih prijetnji. Kao glavna hibridna prijetnja prikazane su automatizirane i anonimne protubavijesti koje se prilagođavaju takvim uvjerenjima i sklonostima. Hibridna inteligencija prikazana je ključnim čimbenikom koji je u kiberprostoru omogućio da se ova kategorija korisničkih podataka koristi za stvaranje hibridnih prijetnji. Člankom se želi ukazati na to da su sustavi umjetne inteligencije koje koriste društvene mreže ljudskom čimbeniku omogućile učinkovitije iskorištavanje slabosti političkog i društvenog uređenja na osnovu osobnih podataka o uvjerenjima i sklonostima korisnika društvenih mreža koji toga nisu dovoljno svjesni. Primjena hibridne inteligencije dodatno je otežala protudjelovanje te pravovremeno prepoznavanje, ublažavanje i odvraćanje potencijalnih štetnih posljedica hibridnih prijetnji.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"34 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140720334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“Be Brave Like Ukraine”","authors":"Per-Erik Nilsson, Ivar Ekman","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article synthesizes the authors’ earlier research on strategic communication in Ukraine during its first year of enduring Russia’s full-scale invasion and the subsequent war of aggression in 2022. The analysis is framed within the academic fields of strategic communication, military innovation theory, and theories on the mediatization of war. It aims to provide a nuanced understanding of Ukrainian strategic communication by focusing on how it is shaped and functions within specific historical, cultural, political, and social milieus, thus offering a holistic view of its evolution and impact during wartime. The article highlights the importance of approaching strategic communications as an all-encompassing task, engaging government bodies and the wider academic society for an evidence-based policy-based lessons-learned approach. It is argued that the Ukrainian case illustrates that effective strategic communication is deeply intertwined with consistent action, societal unity, political strategy, and national identity.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"576 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140719545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Democratic Security","authors":"Anders Strindberg","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"Democracy and the rule of law are classified as “national interests” and ”critical assets” in Sweden’s National Security Strategy and Military Strategic Doctrine. These assets are targets of a range of challenges and attacks. For instance, foreign powers seek to create confusion and polarization through disinformation and influence operations. Domestic violent extremist groups promote conspiracy narratives in order to divide society and create mistrust of authorities. Meanwhile, social phenomena such as serious organized crime and honor-based violence undermine and counteract the basic principles and functions of both democracy and the rule of law and, additionally, are actively exploited by malicious actors. Importantly, these challenges frequently overlap and interact. This paper gives an overview of Democratic Security, a model created in order to answer to two primary questions: what does it mean to posit democracy and the rule of law as critical assets? And, how does one operationalize the defense of values and principles? It is an approach to understanding threats and challenges democracy and the rule of law, within which these principles and processes are seen not only as core critical assets but also as normative for effective and democratically sustainable counter-measures. This enables analysis of both vulnerabilities and threats that is highly granular.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"1998 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140718614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Russian Subversive Influence on Islamic Radicalism in the Countries of the Western Balkans","authors":"Kolë Krasniqi","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.8","url":null,"abstract":"After the outbreak of the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina (1992 – 1995) and of the armed conflicts in Albania, (1997), Kosovo (1998 – 1999) and North Macedonia (2001), the unchecked influx of dozens of extremist Islamist organizations from the Middle East began. Those organizations invested millions of Dollars to propagate a radical ideology and stoke religious hatred in all Western Balkan countries populated by Muslims.Furthermore, subversive activities of Islamic organizations have been observed since the beginning of the Russian military aggression in Ukraine. Those organizations support Putin openly and disseminate negative propaganda against the Western world, in line with certain doctrines pertaining to expanding Russian influence in the Muslim world. Additionally, they foster interreligious hatred in the region.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"2020 23","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140718252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Telegram as a Specific Playground of the Kremlin's Information Operations in Serbia","authors":"Ilija Životić, Darko Obradović","doi":"10.37458/nstf.25.1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.3","url":null,"abstract":"The amount and promptness of data associated with instant communication applications has completely reshaped the information environment. External malign actors who seek to exert their influence on public opinion no longer need to dispose illegal radio stations and secret distribution of literature; it is enough to have Telegram. The Telegram application represents a significant vector of Russian influence in the Western Balkans. The application dominantly operates in nine languages. With its technical characteristics, it represents a medium between a social network and a space-communication application. Telegram does not have technical solutions that would protect users from dangerous and fake content as Facebook and Twitter do. After the Russian aggression against Ukraine, Telegram became a basic tool for distributing viral videos of armed conflicts, but also a tool for information shaping.The phenomenon of Telegram influencers further complicates protection against informational influence operations. Through interaction, these influencers build a relationship with an audience that does not have the capacity to verify the large number of claims which are made nor their veracity. The consequence of influence operations through Telegram leads to the creation of the ideological engine model. Over time, the public adopts the disputed narrative as its own rational tool for interpreting contemporary international relations and the nature of Russian aggression. Telegram's technical solutions make it suitable for conducting influence operations. Sufficiently sophisticated users can skillfully hide their identity. On the other hand, users who do not hide their identity and represent the bearers of Russian propaganda are not obstructed in propagating harmful content. In this paper, we tried to look at the characteristics of information operations through the Telegram application.","PeriodicalId":506726,"journal":{"name":"National security and the future","volume":"2017 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140718383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}