{"title":"Challenging Majority Nationalism:: the Renaming of Streets in Catalonia","authors":"Carles Ferreira","doi":"10.2436/20.8080.01.35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2436/20.8080.01.35","url":null,"abstract":"After the 2017 pro-independence referendum took place in Catalonia, many municipalities changed the names of the streets to commemorate the event. In order to do so, in some cases the names related to the central state were removed, such as those related to the constitution or the king. By performing a frame analysis, this article explores how the majority nationalist parties, which identify themselves with the state, assessed this initiative made by the pro-independence local authorities. The paper thus offers new evidence to the existing literature on majority nationalism, a subject poorly studied in comparison with the total amount of research devoted to peripheral nationalism. On the basis of street naming as a nation-building tool, two are the main empirical contributions: firstly, the representatives of majority nationalism defended the symbols linked to the state as neutral and representative of the whole citizenry, while those of the minority group were framed as partisan and deeply divisive. On the other hand, we stress the importance of the democratic transition and the 1978 constitution as relevant rhetoric resources of the national narrative in contemporary Spain.","PeriodicalId":38513,"journal":{"name":"Revista d''Estudis Autonomics i Federals","volume":"1 1","pages":"101-138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49295578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"El voto preferencial en las Comunidades Autónomas:: propuestas y condicionantes jurídicos","authors":"Javier Sierra-Rodríguez, Carlos Fernández Esquer","doi":"10.2436/20.8080.01.34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2436/20.8080.01.34","url":null,"abstract":"espanolEn los ultimos anos se han activado mecanismos para impulsar reformas electorales en las Comunidades Autonomas, debido a la mayor fragmentacion existente en los parlamentos autonomicos y a la presencia de formaciones politicas que apuestan por reformas institucionales orientadas a profundizar en la regeneracion democratica. El objetivo de este articulo es aunar las principales reflexiones y conocimientos sobre las listas abiertas y desbloqueadas, asi como analizar el marco juridico de los legisladores autonomicos para su adopcion. Para ello, en este articulo se examinan los distintos tipos de listas electorales, sus ventajas, inconvenientes, efectos y las consecuencias de su utilizacion; el marco constitucional, estatutario y el derivado de la legislacion basica del Estado, que puede condicionar su inclusion en las reformas de los sistemas electorales autonomicos; asi como las principales propuestas que ya se han formulado para introducir el voto preferencial en las Comunidades Autonomas. Las conclusiones del estudio sugieren la viabilidad de la introduccion de las listas abiertas y de las listas desbloqueadas en los sistemas electorales autonomicos, dado el marco juridico actual. EnglishIn recent years, mechanisms have been activated in order to carry out political reforms in the Autonomous Communities, due to the greater fragmentation that exists in regional parliaments and the presence of political parties that support institutional reforms, aimed at deepening democratic regeneration. The aim of this paper is to join the main reflections and knowledge about the different types of open-lists and free-lists systems, and to examine the legal framework of the regional legislators for their adoption. To that end, this paper examines the different kinds of electoral lists, their advantages, disadvantages, effects and consequences of their use; the constitutional and legal framework that could limit its inclusion in the reforms of the autonomic electoral systems; as well as the main proposals that have already been formulated to introduce the preferential vote in the Autonomous Communities. The conclusions of the study suggest the viability of the introduction of the open-lists and free-lists systems in the autonomic electoral systems, given the current legal framework.","PeriodicalId":38513,"journal":{"name":"Revista d''Estudis Autonomics i Federals","volume":"20 1","pages":"51-100"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68920519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Decentralization of Poland 1989-2018:: From Partisan Disagreement to a Vehicle for Successful Absorption of EU Cohesion Funding","authors":"Adam Holesch","doi":"10.2436/20.8080.01.30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2436/20.8080.01.30","url":null,"abstract":"This article draws the main lines of development of the territoriality of the Polish state, taking into account the divergent dynamics of its regional evolution. Building on a historical account, it describes how the decentralization process unfolded, leading to the reform in 1998/1999, which administratively decentralized the state without, however, changing its unitary nature. By analysing the complexity and diversity of the EU’s cohesion policy, the paper also addresses questions that are central to theoretical arguments about EU influence on the divergence of regions. It concludes that even if the EU cohesion policy can be seen as a success in Poland, the amount of funding was not sufficient to reduce the differences between the Polish voivodships, which have been growing in recent decades. Paradoxically, the successful use of EU funding did not prevent the massive electoral wins of an EU-sceptic party in the poorer eastern regions, which were supported by a special EU fund.","PeriodicalId":38513,"journal":{"name":"Revista d''Estudis Autonomics i Federals","volume":"1 1","pages":"47-73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68920505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Between accommodation and secession : explaining the shifting territorial goals of nationalist parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia","authors":"Anwen Elias, L. Mees","doi":"10.2436/20.8080.01.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2436/20.8080.01.17","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the shifting territorial goals of two of the most electoral- ly successful and politically relevant nationalist parties in Spain: the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) and Convergencia i Unio (CiU). Whilst both parties have often co-operated to challenge the authority of the Spanish state, their territorial goals have varied over time and from party to party. We map these changes and identify key drivers of territorial preferences; these include party ideology, the impact of the financial crisis, the territorial structure of the state, party competition, public opinion, government versus opposition, the impact of multi-level politics and the particularities of party organisation. These factors interact to shape what nationalist parties say and do on core territorial issues, and contribute to their oscillation between territorial accommodation and secession. However, the way in which these factors play out is highly context-specific, and this accounts for the different territorial preferences of the PNV and CiU. These findings advance our understanding of persistent territorial tensions in Spain, and provide broader theoretical insights into the internal and external dynamics that determine the territorial positioning of stateless nationalist and regionalist parties in plurinational states.","PeriodicalId":38513,"journal":{"name":"Revista d''Estudis Autonomics i Federals","volume":"2017 1","pages":"129-165"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49021090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"El actor aglutinante: nacionalismo y sociedad civil en Quebec","authors":"Pablo Giori","doi":"10.2436/20.8080.01.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2436/20.8080.01.2","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest article es proposa reconstruir la historia de la societat civil al Quebec (Canada) per posar-la en relacio amb el nacionalisme, l'ascens de l'estat de benestar, els sindicats, l'esglesia i la societat civil, les forces vives de la societat. A traves d'entrevistes en profunditat amb els seus principals liders, de documentacio institucional i de bibliografia especifica reconstruim un cas particular que ens permetra, en comparar-lo amb Catalunya, valorar la importancia que te la societat civil dins del nacionalisme. En general aquest actor no sol ser tingut en compte ni posat en el centre del debat, a diferencia per exemple dels partits politics, dels seus liders o dels intel·lectuals. Actualment, en un context de crisi de l'estat i dels partits politics, hem comencat a considerar que la societat civil pot ser un factor determinant per la seva capacitat de generar aliances entre sectors, de construir hegemonies i de dialogar de forma directa amb la poblacio. La proposta es divideix en quatre apartats: 1) el desenvolupament del marc teoric i la construccio analitica de l’objecte d’estudi i les hipotesis; 2) una analisi sobre la importancia que va tenir la societat civil al Quebec en la construccio del moviment nacionalista; 3) una comparacio amb el cas Catala; i 4) unes conclusions.","PeriodicalId":38513,"journal":{"name":"Revista d''Estudis Autonomics i Federals","volume":"26 1","pages":"80-114"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68920497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"EL SISTEMA PENITENCIARI CATALÀ: FONAMENT I EXERCICI DE LA COMPETÈNCIA","authors":"Josep Maria Tamarit Sumalla","doi":"10.2436/20.8080.01.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2436/20.8080.01.7","url":null,"abstract":"Catalunya te atribuida per l’Estatut d’autonomia la competencia executiva en materia penitenciaria. Aquest fet, singular a l’Estat espanyol i amb pocs exemples analegs en altres paisos, ha plantejat, des del punt de vista juridic, el problema de delimitar l’abast de la competencia en relacio amb la compe- tencia exclusiva de l’Estat sobre la legislacio penal, processal i penitenciaria. D’altra banda, aquesta singularitat esperona l’analisi de la relacio que pot tenir amb les diferencies reals entre el sistema penitenciari catala i el de les presons espanyoles administrades per l’Estat, de les quals es una mostra la menor poblacio penitenciaria a Catalunya. Com a conclusio, l’estudi mostra que aquesta diferencia no pot atribuir-se essencialment a una singularitat en l’exercici de la competencia penitenciaria, i que les dades oficials existents no permeten provar fins a quin punt els diversos actors del sistema penal podrien estar reflectint actituds menys punitives de la societat catalana res- pecte a l’espanyola.","PeriodicalId":38513,"journal":{"name":"Revista d''Estudis Autonomics i Federals","volume":"1 1","pages":"235-273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68920578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Self-government reforms and public support for Spain´s territorial model: changes and stability (1992-2010)","authors":"Mireia Grau Creus","doi":"10.5771/9783845232485_292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845232485_292","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest article explora els canvis que s’han produit en les preferencies dels ciutadans respecte del model d’organitzacio territorial de l’Estat espanyol d’enca de la darrera onada de reformes estatutaries. Fonamentat en dades d’enquestes dutes a terme pel Centre d’Investigacions Sociologiques entre 2002 i 2010, l’article se centra a detectar fi ns a quin punt i en quines comunitats autonomes la preferencia per un model de descentralitzacio com l’actual (el que s’anomena statu quo a l’article) ha sofert canvis al llarg del periode. L’article conclou que simultaniament a les reformes estatutaries, hi ha hagut canvis importants en la percepcio que tenen els ciutadans respecte de la “bondat institucional” de l’actual model de descentralitzacio autonomica. En concret, mentre en algunes comunitats autonomes el model actual s’ha comencat a questionar per entendre’s que no permet acomodar unes expectatives mes ambicioses d’autogovern, en d’altres comunitats el model actual s’ha questionat just pel contrari: per entendre’s que el model de descentralitzacio ha anat massa lluny. Aixi, en algunes comunitats i per primer cop, les preferencies envers una involucio autonomica (centralisme i retallada de competencies autonomiques) superen les adrecades al model actual de descentralitzacio.","PeriodicalId":38513,"journal":{"name":"Revista d''Estudis Autonomics i Federals","volume":"1 1","pages":"186-214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70909345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}