Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic最新文献

Below the Tigris: The Neo-Aramaic Dialects of Ṭur ʿAbdin and Mlaḥsó 底格里斯河下:Ṭur和Mlaḥsó的新阿拉姆语方言

Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic Pub Date : 2021-08-17 DOI: 10.1163/9789004448186_006

P. M. Noorlander, ʿAbdin andMlaḥsó

{"title":"Below the Tigris: The Neo-Aramaic Dialects of Ṭur ʿAbdin and Mlaḥsó","authors":"P. M. Noorlander, ʿAbdin andMlaḥsó","doi":"10.1163/9789004448186_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004448186_006","url":null,"abstract":"TheNeo-Aramaic dialects of Ṭur ʿAbdin (‘Ṭuroyo’) andMlaḥsó constitute a separate subgroup in Southeast Turkey called Central Neo-Aramaic. In terms of alignment, dialects of Ṭur ʿAbdin are typologically similar to the Southeastern Trans-Zab Jewish varieties of nena. The now extinct dialect of Mlaḥsó, in turn, is similar to Christian nena dialects in SE Turkey such as Borb-Ruma (Bohtan) aswell as Jewish dialects of IranianAzerbaijan, such as J. Urmi. Ṭur ʿAbdinNeoAramaic dialects are much less diverse than their Northeastern Neo-Aramaic kin, but there are somenotable differences among them.Wewill contrast them with the Trans-Zab Jewish dialects of nena and conclude with a comparison of Mlaḥsó with Ṭur ʿAbdin and nena dialects in general. Amajor difference betweenCentral andNortheasternNeo-Aramaic is found in the verbal stems andderivations, sinceCentralNeo-Aramaic is characterized by an extensive system of verbal derivations. Each stem derivation (i–iv) has its own mediopassive pendant (iM–ivM), e.g. stem iM məfṣoḥ-o ‘She is happy’. In addition, stem i verbs also include a special ‘perfective’ pattern CaCiC, i.e. qaṭil-, e.g. damix-o ‘She slept’, which will be represented by its historical origin *qaṭṭilfor *CaCCiC, e.g.damixo< *dammiḵå, to avoid confusingwith thenena qaṭəl-base, which corresponds to Central qoṭəl-. The Neo-Aramaic dialects of Ṭur ʿAbdin and Mlaḥsó differ greatly in the usage of these bases. Hemmauer and Waltisberg (2006) and, recently in more detail, Waltisberg (2016) argue that the preterit in Ṭuroyo is essentially tripartite. The distinction in verbal stems between intransitive and transitive clauses plays a key role in their argumentation. Amore nuanced viewwill be offered here: ergative alignment is indeed manifested in Neo-Aramaic dialects of Ṭur ʿAbdin, at least in termsof pro-indexes and, to someextent, also prepositionalmarking.The latter is more distinctly ergative than what is found in nena. Recently, Coghill (2016, 84–90) and Khan (2017, 894–895) also briefly treated alignment in Ṭuroyo and Mlaḥsó in comparison with nena, and their observations are comparable to mine.","PeriodicalId":329282,"journal":{"name":"Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic","volume":"41 5-6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116559308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

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Christian and Western Jewish Dialects of NENA NENA的基督教和西方犹太方言

Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic Pub Date : 2021-08-17 DOI: 10.1163/9789004448186_005

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Cross-Dialectal Synopsis of the Morphosyntax 形态句法的跨方言概述

Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic Pub Date : 2021-08-17 DOI: 10.1163/9789004448186_007

P. M. Noorlander

{"title":"Cross-Dialectal Synopsis of the Morphosyntax","authors":"P. M. Noorlander","doi":"10.1163/9789004448186_007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004448186_007","url":null,"abstract":"Constructional splits have been a recurrent theme in the discussions of the distinct dialect groups of Neo-Aramaic in the previous chapters, each of which are conditioned by features that have been pertinent to the question of ergativity in linguistic typology. On closer examination, however, these features, though some of them consistentwith typological traits of ‘split ergativity’, need not reflect ergativity nor split alignment in general. While the dialectal diversity of Northeastern and Central Neo-Aramaic shows a staggering degree of morphosyntactic microvariation, there are general motifs in the constructionspecific and dialect-specific constraints that merit a separate chapter to compare these cross-dialectally. Moreover, splits on some level do not preclude splits on another, so that sometimes subsystems may be observed within constructional splits, including those conditioned by tam (Section 6.1), morphological coding (Section 6.2), (in) transitivity (Section 6.3.) and referential properties (Section 6.4). In all of this, themorphology of arguments shows the highest degree of variation, always at least in some way linked to the historically resultative participle qṭil-, but not exclusively, whereas the general syntax of arguments is largely consistent across space and time. Differential object marking, for instance, is an essential component of themorphosyntax,which seems tobe completely blind to the alignment typology of a given dialect, but does seem to favor different combinations of coding strategies depending on the dialect, thus sometimes manifesting morphological splits. The coding of s, in turn, is typically manifested in verbal person marking and correlates with the additional expression of tam in verbal inflection more strongly than the coding of p. Moreover, the coding of s largely also depends on the lexicalization of transitivity, i.e. whether the intransitive verb or clause in question is compatible with transitive morphology, thereby sometimes resulting in split intransitivity. The L-suffixes are more grammaticalized as indicators of a in the expression of the transitive perfective past, while the E-suffixes as indicators of s tend to ‘lag behind’ in the grammaticalization of the intransitive resultative. In addition, the marking of a can be dependent on the properties of its co-argument, p, i.e. the presence or absence of a pronominal object. Thus, perfective past clauses with a and p sometimes show a degree of markedness greater than all other types of clauses.","PeriodicalId":329282,"journal":{"name":"Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123311843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

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Ergativity and Its Typology: The Trans-Zab Jewish Dialects 格性及其类型学:犹太方言

Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic Pub Date : 2021-08-17 DOI: 10.1163/9789004448186_004

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Who Did What to Whom in the Context of Neo-Aramaic 在新阿拉姆语语境下，谁对谁做了什么

Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic Pub Date : 2021-08-17 DOI: 10.1163/9789004448186_003

引用次数: 0