{"title":"African Forced Labour and Anti-colonial Struggles in the Portuguese Revolution","authors":"Raquel Varela, João Carlos Louçã","doi":"10.1163/9789004440395_009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004440395_009","url":null,"abstract":"The Portuguese Revolution took place between 25 April 1974 and 25 November 1975, and was the most profound revolutionary event in Europe following the Second World War. During those 19 months, hundreds of thousands of workers went on strike, and hundreds of workplaces were occupied; sometimes for months at a time. At some stage, almost one third of the population of about ten million people was engaged in some form of power structure outside the scope of the state, whether workers, soldiers or committees of residents.1 The Portuguese Revolution was such a social explosion that US president Gerald Ford considered it capable of transforming the entire Mediterranean into a “red sea” and causing the downfall of all the regimes of southern Europe like dominos.2 Although it did not produce the predicted domino effect, the immediate results of the revolution were considerable, including the nationalization of banks and large companies without compensation, the birth of the welfare state and social security, the agrarian reform of large estates in the south of the country, and the introduction of workers’ management for 300 companies. These measures were not realized by state decree or by governmental action, as some have tried to frame them, but through popular assemblies. The banks were brought under the control of their workers, who prior to nationalization had stopped capital flight; the strikes in the major companies resulted in salary increases and price freezes; a number of hospitals and schools were occupied and managed democratically; public transport came under the control of workers and users, who decided to extend these to peripheral areas and to reduce fares; and land was occupied by salaried agricultural workers, more than tripling productivity and employment. On 25 April 1974, a coup led by the mfa (Movimento das Forças Armadas; Armed Forces Movement) – a group of middleranking officials in the","PeriodicalId":323183,"journal":{"name":"Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125791234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Networks of Revolutionary Workers","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004440395_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004440395_006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":323183,"journal":{"name":"Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130228393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“I Will Not Let the Experience Be Taken Away from Me”","authors":"Renate Hürtgen","doi":"10.1163/9789004440395_013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004440395_013","url":null,"abstract":"One could suppose that especially within the field of the history of labour and labour movements, the interaction between revolutions and changes in labour relations would be a focus for research. There have certainly been important times when the study of revolutions has flourished, often connected with the study of mass movements as part of a historiography with a leftwing political orientation. At the same time, sociohistorical research on labour movements has also paid a great deal of attention to processes that took place inside factories. However, these two historiographical developments have remained somewhat separated from each other. Descriptions of the history of revolutions mostly discuss their topics as political events; dealing with political procedures and different phases of revolution, and examining the ideas of the protagonists.1 Taking a look at the 1917 Russian revolution allows us to recognize this tendency, as discussions concerning labour relations during times of revolution have been made subordinate to discussions about political events.2 Of course, a Marxist historiography would “know” that it is not the thinkers and party or trade union leaders themselves who made the","PeriodicalId":323183,"journal":{"name":"Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130848277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Popular Classes, Revolution and Labour Relations in Nineteenth-Century Argentina","authors":"Gabriel Di Meglio","doi":"10.1163/9789004440395_004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004440395_004","url":null,"abstract":"After the Napoleonic invasion of Spain in 1808, several revolutions erupted in Hispanic America. They involved a fight to achieve selfgovernment, and eventually led to the independence of several republics of the former Spanish Empire. These revolutions were led by sections of the local elites, but in many of them the popular classes – urban plebeians, artisans, slaves, peasants and other rural labourers – also played a key role. This chapter focuses on their actions during the revolutionary process in the territories that would later become one of the new countries born as a result: Argentina.1 The revolutionary period has always been a central topic in Argentine historiography. Since the 1970s, traditional narratives about a struggle between protonationalist Criollos (Americanborn Spaniards) and the Spanish monarchy have been challenged by revisionist readings in the fields of political, cultural, conceptual, economic and social history.2 Nowadays, researchers argue that it is impossible to study Spanish American independence through a retrospective view of the present national borders.3 Instead, the emergence of Argentina as an independent nation can only be understood in connection with the","PeriodicalId":323183,"journal":{"name":"Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125803704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Izhevsk in Revolt","authors":"Izhevsk in Revolt, D. Churakov","doi":"10.1163/9789004440395_005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004440395_005","url":null,"abstract":"In the Russian Federation, an active search for historical precedents for the new structure of power has been ongoing ever since the abolition of the Soviet state.1 However, the current period is not the first decade in which Russian historians have studied the alternative regimes to Bolshevik political power; a power that existed in the country during the Russian revolution and the Civil War of 1917– 1922. Among the state entities of this period, historians have shown a particular interest in regimes that were ruled by leftist parties, but that were opposed to the Bolsheviks. One of the attempts of rightwing socialists to propose their own version of the revolution took place in 1918 in the very heart of Russia – Ural – and grew into the largest antiBolshevik workers’ uprising in Soviet history. At the heart of this uprising was Izhevsk – one of the most important industrial centres in the country. The study of the antiBolshevik workers’ uprising in Izhevsk sheds light on both the nature of political forces that came into power in this particular town and general patterns in the development of the Russian Civil War. Interest in the events that shook Izhevsk and the nearby town of Votkinsk has not faded in Russian historiography. On the contrary, interest has only grown over the years. This is no coincidence, as it was the working class – the proletariat – that Soviet ideology proclaimed to be the social foundation of the Bolshevik Party and its state. In the early period of the development of historical science in the ussr, the Izhevsk uprising was studied in the context of the workers’ mass protests in Ural. In this region, the establishment of Soviet power was a very arduous process. The front between the White and Red armies shifted several times from west to east. Remaining at the epicentre of","PeriodicalId":323183,"journal":{"name":"Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129219782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Showras in the Iranian Revolution","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004440395_011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004440395_011","url":null,"abstract":"“We snatched freedom, and we won’t lose it soon”, an Iranian oil worker exclaimed six weeks after the Pahlavi monarchy was overthrown in February 1979.1 Although oil workers had not participated in the initial stages of the revolutionary mobilization, their strikes had paralyzed the state and injected a sense of strength and viability into the revolutionary movement. After the fall of the monarchy, the strike committees in the oil industry and some other industrial sectors developed into showras (councils) – workplace committees through which workers made collective decisions and gained, or attempted to gain, control over production and the management of their workplace. Therefore, the showras became an important part of the political power struggle that emerged in 1979, and reflected the radical reimagining of social and political possibilities among significant sections of the urban workforce. Workers’ initial perception that they had “snatched freedom” did not last long, however, as the showras were gradually sidelined, repressed and finally banned as independent organizations. Despite their importance during revolutionary upheavals, the history of grassroots organizations such as the showras has remained in the shadows. As a recent study of these organizations notices, “in all kinds of historical situations and during various political and economic crises and in different political systems, workers have taken control of their workplaces. Yet this story of workers’ selfadministration is rarely told”.2 In the case of Iran, there is only one monograph3 and a few articles published on the","PeriodicalId":323183,"journal":{"name":"Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126040113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Antinomy of Workers’ Control in Socialist Eastern Europe","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004440395_008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004440395_008","url":null,"abstract":"How might the experiences of East European workers between 1945 and 1989 fit into a general history of the left in the twentieth century?1 Writing in the mid1990s, the great Italian trade union leader Bruno Trentin offered one possible answer. La Città del lavoro, his bitter indictment of the Western European labour movement’s failure to respond to the crisis of Fordism, makes the story of state socialism central to understanding the setback of trade unionism after the 1970s.2 The book narrates an all too familiar history of defeat: the increased mobility of capital after the termination of Bretton Woods, coupled with the emergence of transnational value chains and the relocation of production away from the core industrialized countries spelled the end of Fordism as a model of growth rooted in a specific “postwar” social order.3 Against this background, according to Trentin, trade unions found themselves confronted with a double challenge. First, in Italy and other West European countries, the sheer range of employment relations expanded to accommodate new forms of less secure, more precarious work contracts. Second, inside factories, management successfully secured control of the production process, reorganizing work teams, pushing for speedups and redesigning work schedules. Less familiar is Trentin’s explanation for the historical failure of the labour movement to negotiate a favourable transition out of Fordism.4 This failure","PeriodicalId":323183,"journal":{"name":"Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116850490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A “Negotiated Revolution”? Trade Unions and Companies in South Africa in the 1980s","authors":"Knud Andresen","doi":"10.1163/9789004440395_012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004440395_012","url":null,"abstract":"Overcoming the racist and globally outlawed apartheid system in South Africa is often linked to the release of Nelson Mandela in February 1990 and the subsequent fouryear transition phase that ended with the first free elections in April 1994. The occurrence at the same time as the collapse of the socialist countries suggests that the transition from apartheid to a democratic society was a result of the end of the Cold War between East and West. This is not completely wrong, as South Africa was a hotspot in the Cold War: the apartheid regime was a strategic outpost of the West, despite all the criticism of racial discrimination made by Western states. The largest liberation organization, the African National Congress (anc), had a socialist approach and received logistical and ideological support from the Soviet Union and socialist countries. Because the South African Communist Party (sacp) was represented in the governing bodies of the anc, the apartheid regime’s anticommunist propaganda received support.1 Nevertheless, the transition process was not a direct reaction to the disintegration of the socialist state world, but instead to a longer process of change in South Africa itself; a process that began in the early 1980s and had a great deal to do with new strategic orientations of the South African parties in conflict, especially the anc and white elite circles. South Africa’s political transition is considered a “negotiated revolution”,2 and in the context of the current volume, this chapter examines the influence of industrial relations on strategic reorientations. The term “revolution” for the South African transition involves systematic contradiction. Yet the political system changed fundamentally, so some","PeriodicalId":323183,"journal":{"name":"Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116220877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and Its Consequences for the Ikarus Bus Factory","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004440395_007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004440395_007","url":null,"abstract":"In scholarly work dealing with the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, emphasis with regard to factories has been placed largely on the political activities and influence of the workers’ councils, which were revolutionary in spirit.1 Attention has also been paid to the suppression and disbanding of these councils after the defeat of the uprising. This is understandable, since for a short time the workers’ councils did indeed represent a threat or challenge to the Kádár regime, which was trying to consolidate its hold on power after having been installed by the Soviet troops. As Hannah Arendt has observed, in the case of the Hungarian revolution – which in her view was the only real workers’ revolution in the twentieth century – it is worthwhile to make a distinction between the workers’ councils and the other councils, which were hastily formed and had political goals. “At any event, the Revolutionary and the Workers’ Councils, though they emerged together, are better kept apart, because the former were primarily the answer to political tyranny, whereas the latter in the case of the Hungarian revolution were the reaction against trade unions that did not represent the workers but the party’s control over them”.2 However, the emphasis in later scholarship was on the political and armed clashes. Accordingly, questions about the conditions in the factories at the outbreak of the revolution and the state of the factories themselves were relegated to the background; as was","PeriodicalId":323183,"journal":{"name":"Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down","volume":"121 43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121038356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}