法学最新文献

{"title":"Change in Governance Modes in Marine Protected Areas that Overlap with Fishing Territories: A Study of Cuba and Brazil","authors":"Manuela Dreyer da Silva, Cristina Frutuoso Teixeira, Raimundo Vento Tielves, Christian Luiz da Silva, Ania Bustio Ramos, Décio Estevão do Nascimento, Heather Heyes","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241262996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241262996","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses governance in Marine Protected Areas (MPAs), particularly the possibility of formulating arrangements capable of confronting the effects of the ocean grabbing process in fishing territories. Through the articulation of experiences in MPAs in Cuba and Brazil and the content analysis of technical-scientific documents produced on the daily governance of these areas, legal frameworks in both countries, and peer-reviewed articles, this study identifies vectors of change in established modes of governance. The identified vectors are potential verifiers of equity and socio-environmental justice criteria in governance processes that can encourage recognition of traditional fisher’s rights to deliberation on access and use of resources in these areas. On the other hand, the conclusions drawn also reveal the limits of these arrangements when considering the ambiguity of the legal regimes that outline the creation and implementation of MPAs.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"108 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142678500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Experiences of the changing illicit drug supply among racial and ethnic minoritized people in three US states: a qualitative study.","authors":"Brendan Saloner, Olivia K Sugarman, Lauren Byrne, Samantha Harris, Molly C Reid, Hridika Shah, Eric Hulsey, Adrienne Hurst, Lindsey Kerins, Dionna King, Susan Sherman, Emily Kaner, Daliah Heller, Sachini Bandara","doi":"10.1186/s12954-024-01126-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1186/s12954-024-01126-3","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Background: </strong>Amidst a national surge in overdose deaths among racial and ethnic minoritized people and people who use stimulants (cocaine or methamphetamines), our objective was to understand how these groups are adapting to a rapidly changing illicit drug supply.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>We conducted semi-structured interviews with 64 people who use drugs and who self-identified as Black, Hispanic, Multiracial, or other Non-White race in three states (Michigan, New Jersey, and Wisconsin). Transcribed interviews were coded thematically.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>Most respondents used stimulants alone or in combination with opioids. Respondents perceived that the drug supply had become more unpredictable and dangerous but differed in their personal perception of risk and their adaptations. For example, respondents had very mixed perceptions of their own risk of being harmed by fentanyl, and differing opinions about whether fentanyl test strips would be useful. Xylazine, a novel adulterant in the opioid drug supply that has received public health and media attention, was not well known within the sample.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Our study highlights the challenges experienced by minoritized people who use drugs in responding to a changing drug supply, underscoring the limits of public health approaches focused solely on individual behavioral change.</p>","PeriodicalId":12922,"journal":{"name":"Harm Reduction Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"205"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142681540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Entering the mainstream economy? Workplace segregation and immigrant assimilation","authors":"Mats Lillehagen, Are Skeie Hermansen","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae162","url":null,"abstract":"Why do foreign-born immigrant workers often concentrate in low-wage, minority-dense workplaces? Do immigrants’ native-born children—who typically acquire better language skills, education, and country-specific knowledge—experience improved access to workplaces in the mainstream economy? Using economy-wide linked employer–employee administrative data from Norway, we analyze both ethnic and economic workplace segregation across immigrant generations. We find that, on average, 32% of immigrants’ coworkers and 16% of second-generation immigrants’ coworkers have immigrant backgrounds, compared to 7% for natives. In terms of economic segregation, the average percentile rank of coworkers’ salaries is 36, 49, and 52 for immigrants, children of immigrants, and natives, respectively. A formal decomposition analysis shows that differences in employee, workplace, and residential location characteristics collectively explain 54–74% of ethnic and 79–84% of economic workplace segregation for immigrants and their children. Key factors driving this segregation in both immigrant generations include education, occupational attainment, industry of employment, having an immigrant manager, and the concentration of immigrant neighbors. This suggests that both skill-based sorting and network-related processes contribute to immigrant–native workplace segregation. However, children of immigrants’ improved access to less immigrant-dense and higher-paying workplaces, compared to immigrants, is primarily driven by differential skill-based sorting (i.e., higher education and shifts in occupation and industry placement). Our findings reveal a sharp decline in workplace segregation relative to natives as children of immigrants advance into the mainstream economy, highlighting the central role of assimilation in skill profiles for workplace integration across immigrant generations.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142678466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Does Local Representation Reduce Self-Determination Conflict?","authors":"Alejandro Corvalan","doi":"10.1177/00220027241299815","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220027241299815","url":null,"abstract":"There is ample evidence that the political exclusion of minorities from state power increases the risk of conflict. Nevertheless, do these same results apply to local representation? I explore this question using the success in mayoral elections of the Chilean Mapuche, a deprived indigenous minority in a longstanding conflict against the Chilean state. Combining a novel database on conflict and a surname strategy to single out Mapuche mayors, panel evidence suggests a negative association between minority mayors and local self-determination conflict. To provide identification, I exploit an electoral reform that exogenously changes the candidates’ probability of being elected. Land invasions, a primary type of conflict strategy for ethnic minorities, significantly decreased after the election of Mapuche mayors. I discuss the role of local horizontal inequalities and coercion as possible mechanisms.","PeriodicalId":51363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflict Resolution","volume":"65 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142678502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Personalist Regime and Rebel Sponsorship in Civil Conflicts","authors":"Ruixing Cao","doi":"10.1177/00220027241297641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220027241297641","url":null,"abstract":"Under what conditions do sponsors directly intervene in the target state’s civil conflicts? While previous research on state sponsorship for the rebels tends to focus on how ties between the two can influence their interactions, this article argues that the sponsor is more willing to provide combat support when the target state is under the rule of a personalist regime. Due to a lack of internal constraints, personalist leaders are more likely to pursue aggressive foreign policies. The high degree of policy flexibility also makes personalist regimes unreliable partners for negotiation. To avoid future instability, rival states are more likely to use civil conflicts as opportunities to weaken the personalist regime. Military ineffectiveness under personalist regimes also lowers the cost of combat support and potentially allows sponsors to reap more material benefits from the civil conflict. Utilizing comprehensive data on personalism and rebel sponsorship, I find support for this argument.","PeriodicalId":51363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflict Resolution","volume":"252 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142678503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Professional Self-Care in Social Work Practice: A New Conceptual Framework.","authors":"Rebecca Cole, Sophia Fantus, Lataya Hawkins, Priyanjali Chakraborty","doi":"10.1093/sw/swae049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sw/swae049","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Social work practitioners have experienced increased rates of burnout, fatigue, and occupational stress. To combat deteriorating mental health, the National Association of Social Workers' Code of Ethics has called for a renewed focus on self-care practice. Yet, self-care education often fails to consider how to integrate practices into the workplace, especially with constrained resources and increasing caseloads. The purpose of this study was to examine healthcare social workers' perceptions of self-care in the workplace. Semistructured virtual interviews were conducted with healthcare social workers (N = 43) across the state of Texas. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and redacted to protect participant confidentiality. Through content analysis, the research team analyzed transcripts by selecting meaningful units of text to create codes and categories. Themes were then developed, and the research team refined codes, discussed inconsistencies, and reached consensus. Findings demonstrate self-care in the workplace includes (a) individual strategies, identified by strong and trustworthy peer support systems and boundary management; (b) intrapersonal strategies, identified by formal supervision and advocacy and activism; and (c) institutional strategies, identified by ethical workplace cultures that invest in mental health and explicitly value social work. These data inform a framework to adapt self-care from an individual necessity to a shared responsibility among organizational leadership.</p>","PeriodicalId":21875,"journal":{"name":"Social work","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142682735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Autonomies and the Construction of Communal Economies in Zapotec Villages in Oaxaca, Mexico","authors":"Salvador Aquino Centeno, Maríana Ortega-Breña","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241297919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241297919","url":null,"abstract":"San José, a Zapotec community in the Sierra Sur of Oaxaca, Mexico, has built certain autonomies over time while challenging the territorial policies designed by the Mexican state. This article goes beyond the focus on autonomies as jurisdictional rights recognized by the state and analyzes the de facto instances elaborated by communities to build economies as a support for self-determination. By strengthening its community organization, San José created a scheme of territorial possession to produce economies that enabled it to survive and challenge the Mexican state. It refused the government’s titling of its lands given this would subordinate the community’s interests to the territorial policies of the federal government. Instead, San José reconstructed colonial policies and institutions to appropriate its own territory and develop its own communal autonomy without relying on legal documentation from the Mexican state to endorse its rights to communal lands. The community created its own concepts of communal cultures by reconstructing mayordomías (civil-religious hierarchies), cofradías (religious brotherhoods), rancho culture, a municipal agency, ancestral memory, and the Zapotec language. On this basis they have built a communal autonomous model and maintain communal means of production such as labor and territory. San Jose’s experiences provide epistemologies and practices of how Indigenous communities can reduce inequalities in the centralizing contexts of neoliberal states that seek to eradicate Indigenous autonomies.San José, una comunidad zapoteca en la Sierra Sur de Oaxaca, México, ha construido autonomías a través del tiempo mientras ha desafiado las políticas territoriales diseñadas por el Estado mexicano. Mas allá de enfocar a las autonomías como derechos a una jurisdicción reconocida por el Estado, este artículo analiza las autonomías de facto que las comunidades elaboran para construir economías como sostén de la autodeterminación. A partir de fortalecer su organización comunitaria, San José creo un esquema de posesión territorial para producir economías que le permitieron sobrevivir y desafiar al Estado Mexicano en términos de no aceptar la titulación de sus tierras porque subordinaba los intereses de San José a las políticas territoriales del gobierno federal. San José reconstruyó las políticas e instituciones coloniales para apropiarse de su territorio y elaborar su propia autonomía comunitaria sin contar con documentación jurídica del Estado mexicano que avale sus tierras comunales. Creo sus propios conceptos de culturas comunales reconstruyendo las mayordomías, cofradías, la cultura de ranchos, la agencia municipal, la memoria ancestral y la lengua zapoteca para crear un modelo autonómico comunal y mantuvo los medios de producción comunales como el trabajo y el territorio. Las experiencias de San José aportan epistemologías y prácticas de cómo las comunidades indígenas pueden aminorar las desigualdades en contextos centralizado","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"47 2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142673877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Introduction: Authoritarian Populism and the Rural World: Insights from Latin America and the Caribbean","authors":"Daniela Andrade, Sergio Coronado","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241297952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241297952","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142678504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"How we understand fully the supply, demand, and harm reduction in drugs policy in Vietnam?","authors":"Hai Thanh Luong","doi":"10.1186/s12954-024-01103-w","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1186/s12954-024-01103-w","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Since the 1990s, Vietnam has begun prioritising preventing and combating drug-related crimes (supply reduction) and rehabilitating drug users (demand reduction). In the 2000s, harm reduction approaches in relation to drug control began to be recognised as one of Vietnam's opiate substitution therapy methods before embarking on greater drug policy reform in the early 2010s. In implementing the ideology of the Communist Party of Vietnam, the anti-narcotic police forces often apply a zero-tolerance approach to drug traffickers and identify drug users as a priority applies a zero-tolerance approach to drug traffickers and identifies drug users as a priority to send them to prison or compulsory detention centres rather than apply harm reduction as the international standard model to promote health conditions for them without detention. This study conducted a qualitative content analysis of documents by collecting and analysing grey literature on drug policy resources, combined with qualitative interviews with experts and drug policy professionals. Although Vietnam (re)states its commitment to balance the three pillars of harm minimisation in its drug policy reform, my research demonstrates that unclear provisions and blurred policies remain, and the challenges associated with scaling these approaches equally may not be feasible in reality. To do this, this study briefly explains (1) why Vietnam dominates the use of supply reduction-driven measures with 'hard strikes' for drug-related crimes, including the death penalty; (2) why Vietnam continues to use compulsory detention facilities for drug users as the main component of its demand reduction policy; and (3) why Vietnam still struggles to apply harm reduction, including in relation to policing practices. Some specific recommendations are called for further consideration to support harm reduction in policing.</p>","PeriodicalId":12922,"journal":{"name":"Harm Reduction Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"204"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142675380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Analysis of different populations accessing online overdose response training and harm reduction supplies (ADORES).","authors":"Michaela Pacheco, Abiodun Ologunowa, Anita Jacobson","doi":"10.1186/s12954-024-01118-3","DOIUrl":"10.1186/s12954-024-01118-3","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Background: </strong>An online mail order naloxone and harm reduction supply program was created by an interdisciplinary team at the University of Rhode Island College of Pharmacy and hosted on the university website (UNIV). The program was subsequently funded by the Rhode Island Department of Health (DOH) and added to the DOH website. This study compares demographic characteristics of the two populations submitting requests through the program's distinct access points, UNIV and DOH, to those of populations at-risk for overdose.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>This is a retrospective comparative analysis using voluntarily provided information from mail order request forms submitted through two websites from June 2020 through October 2023. The primary objective was to compare demographic characteristics of requesters through the two access points to those of individuals at-risk for experiencing or responding to an overdose. Descriptive statistics were used to characterize the two distinct populations. Chi-square tests were performed to determine if statistically significant differences in population demographics existed between access points. Odds ratios were estimated using a simple logistic regression model to assess the relationship between access point and demographic characteristic to determine if either access point had a greater likelihood of reaching individuals with at-risk demographics.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>A total of 5,783 (UNIV = 1662; DOH = 4121) mail order request forms were included in the analysis. Participants who completed requests through UNIV were more likely to be 44 years old or younger and/or reside in rural areas. Participants who submitted requests through DOH were more likely to reside in non-rural and/or low-income areas, and/or identify as gender minorities. Additionally, UNIV respondents were more likely to be first-time naloxone requesters while DOH respondents were more likely to have obtained and used naloxone before.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>Results establish that different access points can reach different at-risk population subsets and support the use of multiple access points and advertising strategies to expand the reach of online mail order harm reduction programs.</p><p><strong>Study registration: </strong>The study was retrospectively approved by the University of Rhode Island Institutional Review Board (IRB reference #2124391-2).</p>","PeriodicalId":12922,"journal":{"name":"Harm Reduction Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"202"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142675366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}