{"title":"解决正确的问题:资优教育需要另类的识别措施","authors":"Ashley S. Flynn, A. Shelton","doi":"10.1177/00169862211046394","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Gifted and talented education (GATE) exemplifies racial and economic hierarchies that exist in our society, with historically marginalized (HM) students significantly less likely to be identified as gifted, and subsequently receiving gifted services, than their peers (Grissom et al., 2019). Peters (2021) advanced the dialogue around inequities by attempting to not only highlight their existence but to also offer insights into the barriers to overcoming inequity. Although we agree with Peters on his thorough analysis of the complex factors, we challenge the assertion that investigating alternative identification methods wastes effort on solving the wrong problem because traditional standardized tests play a critical role in perpetuating, and often amplifying, systemic inequities in education. Grounded in the University of California (UC) system’s effort to reduce bias in their admissions decisions, Peters (2021) asserts that the inclusion of traditional standardized tests promotes racial and economic diversity in educational programs. However, the report from the UC task force tells a more nuanced story (University of California Academic Senate, 2020). Although test scores produced more equitable results than other achievement metrics, namely high school GPA, this approach was far from demonstrating equity. Prior to dropping standardized tests, 37% of California residents in the UC student body were HM students, whereas 59% of the state’s high school graduates were HM students. Moreover, the task force found substantial performance differences among demographic groups on the SAT and the ACT, noting that these tests alone would have precluded many HM students from gaining admission to the UC system. The advantage of including standardized test scores was due to a comprehensive review of them that allowed for varying thresholds based on students’ context. Although traditional standardized tests may not universally exacerbate existing disparities, it is clear that they are not equitably identifying students for admission. Consistent with the UC findings, the College Board itself reports gaps in SAT performance as a function of racial and economic demographics, with discrepancies as large as 15% to 20% for Black and Latinx students compared with White and Asian students (College Board, 2014, 2020). When considering the intersection of race and family income, the results are even more striking: The effect of family income on SAT performance is almost twice as large for Black students than for White students (Dixon-Román et al., 2013). Similar performance discrepancies exist across other common tests used for university admissions (e.g., ACT, 2020) such as intelligence quotient and achievement tests commonly used for gifted identification (e.g., Kena et al., 2016; Silverman, 2009). One interpretation of these scores is that different groups have different levels of ability, but these assessments are largely testing past achievement. Although these may be historically good predictors of college success among those with equal opportunity, one must question how to address these discrepancies in light of opportunity gaps when trying to identify students who will thrive in college (or GATE programming). Local norms (e.g., selecting based on score distributions within subgroups) offer one solution to score discrepancies across demographics (e.g., Peters, 2021). However, when applied at the demographic level, this is equivalent to saying that some groups require a lower bar. Although at the point of college admissions, the cumulative effects of opportunity gaps may necessitate some adjustments in admissions requirements, norms associated with demographics still send the message that one group is inherently more capable than another. For GATE, if we start from the premise that highability students come from every background, the conclusion must be that the bar does not need to be lowered; it needs to be changed. Measuring ability/potential rather than achievement may be essential in GATE, where advanced learning programs could help combat opportunity gaps. This is where alternative/complementary methods come into play. Alternative solutions need not involve eliminating testing; tests come in a wide variety, including tests of fundamental skills and aptitudes that likely reflect capacity for advanced learning (Lohman, 2005). By focusing more directly on what we actually want to measure, alternative methods can not only help identify larger numbers of HM students for gifted services (Lohman, 2005) but also help build more comprehensive, inclusive, and accurate conceptualizations of academic ability. As such, alternative 1046394 GCQXXX10.1177/00169862211046394Gifted Child QuarterlyFlynn and Shelton research-article2021","PeriodicalId":47514,"journal":{"name":"Gifted Child Quarterly","volume":"46 1","pages":"144 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Solving the Right Problem: The Need for Alternative Identification Measures in Gifted Education\",\"authors\":\"Ashley S. Flynn, A. 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Grounded in the University of California (UC) system’s effort to reduce bias in their admissions decisions, Peters (2021) asserts that the inclusion of traditional standardized tests promotes racial and economic diversity in educational programs. However, the report from the UC task force tells a more nuanced story (University of California Academic Senate, 2020). Although test scores produced more equitable results than other achievement metrics, namely high school GPA, this approach was far from demonstrating equity. Prior to dropping standardized tests, 37% of California residents in the UC student body were HM students, whereas 59% of the state’s high school graduates were HM students. Moreover, the task force found substantial performance differences among demographic groups on the SAT and the ACT, noting that these tests alone would have precluded many HM students from gaining admission to the UC system. The advantage of including standardized test scores was due to a comprehensive review of them that allowed for varying thresholds based on students’ context. Although traditional standardized tests may not universally exacerbate existing disparities, it is clear that they are not equitably identifying students for admission. Consistent with the UC findings, the College Board itself reports gaps in SAT performance as a function of racial and economic demographics, with discrepancies as large as 15% to 20% for Black and Latinx students compared with White and Asian students (College Board, 2014, 2020). When considering the intersection of race and family income, the results are even more striking: The effect of family income on SAT performance is almost twice as large for Black students than for White students (Dixon-Román et al., 2013). Similar performance discrepancies exist across other common tests used for university admissions (e.g., ACT, 2020) such as intelligence quotient and achievement tests commonly used for gifted identification (e.g., Kena et al., 2016; Silverman, 2009). One interpretation of these scores is that different groups have different levels of ability, but these assessments are largely testing past achievement. Although these may be historically good predictors of college success among those with equal opportunity, one must question how to address these discrepancies in light of opportunity gaps when trying to identify students who will thrive in college (or GATE programming). Local norms (e.g., selecting based on score distributions within subgroups) offer one solution to score discrepancies across demographics (e.g., Peters, 2021). However, when applied at the demographic level, this is equivalent to saying that some groups require a lower bar. Although at the point of college admissions, the cumulative effects of opportunity gaps may necessitate some adjustments in admissions requirements, norms associated with demographics still send the message that one group is inherently more capable than another. For GATE, if we start from the premise that highability students come from every background, the conclusion must be that the bar does not need to be lowered; it needs to be changed. Measuring ability/potential rather than achievement may be essential in GATE, where advanced learning programs could help combat opportunity gaps. This is where alternative/complementary methods come into play. Alternative solutions need not involve eliminating testing; tests come in a wide variety, including tests of fundamental skills and aptitudes that likely reflect capacity for advanced learning (Lohman, 2005). By focusing more directly on what we actually want to measure, alternative methods can not only help identify larger numbers of HM students for gifted services (Lohman, 2005) but also help build more comprehensive, inclusive, and accurate conceptualizations of academic ability. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
资优教育(GATE)体现了我们社会中存在的种族和经济等级制度,历史上被边缘化的(HM)学生被认定为资优的可能性明显低于同龄人,随后接受资优服务的可能性(Grissom等人,2019)。Peters(2021)推进了围绕不平等的对话,不仅试图强调不平等的存在,而且还提供了克服不平等障碍的见解。虽然我们同意彼得斯对复杂因素的全面分析,但我们质疑这样一种说法,即调查其他识别方法是在浪费解决错误问题的精力,因为传统的标准化考试在延续和放大教育中的系统性不平等方面发挥了关键作用。彼得斯(2021)以加州大学(UC)系统为减少招生决策中的偏见所做的努力为基础,断言将传统的标准化考试纳入教育项目会促进种族和经济多样性。然而,加州大学特别工作组的报告讲述了一个更微妙的故事(加州大学学术参议院,2020年)。尽管考试分数比其他成就指标(即高中GPA)产生更公平的结果,但这种方法远不能证明公平。在取消标准化考试之前,加州大学学生群体中37%的加州居民是HM学生,而该州59%的高中毕业生是HM学生。此外,工作组还发现,不同人口群体在SAT和ACT上的表现存在显著差异,并指出,仅凭这些测试就会使许多HM学生无法进入加州大学系统。纳入标准化考试成绩的优势在于,对这些成绩进行了全面的评估,允许根据学生的情况设置不同的阈值。虽然传统的标准化考试可能不会普遍加剧现有的差距,但很明显,它们不能公平地确定学生的入学资格。与加州大学的研究结果一致,大学理事会本身也报告了SAT成绩的差距,这是种族和经济人口统计的结果,与白人和亚洲学生相比,黑人和拉丁裔学生的差距高达15%至20%(大学理事会,2014年,2020年)。当考虑种族和家庭收入的交集时,结果更加惊人:黑人学生的家庭收入对SAT成绩的影响几乎是白人学生的两倍(Dixon-Román et al., 2013)。类似的表现差异存在于用于大学入学的其他常见测试(例如,ACT, 2020),例如智商和通常用于天赋识别的成就测试(例如,Kena等人,2016;西尔弗曼,2009)。对这些分数的一种解释是,不同的群体有不同的能力水平,但这些评估主要是测试过去的成就。虽然从历史上看,这些可能是机会均等的人在大学里成功与否的良好预测指标,但在试图确定谁将在大学里茁壮成长(或GATE编程)的学生时,人们必须质疑如何根据机会差距来解决这些差异。当地规范(例如,根据子组内的分数分布进行选择)为人口统计学中的分数差异提供了一种解决方案(例如,Peters, 2021)。然而,当应用于人口统计水平时,这相当于说某些群体需要较低的标准。虽然在大学录取的时候,机会差距的累积效应可能需要对录取要求进行一些调整,但与人口统计学相关的规范仍然传递出这样的信息:一个群体天生就比另一个群体更有能力。对于伽特来说,如果我们从优秀学生来自各种背景的前提出发,那么结论一定是门槛不需要降低;它需要改变。在GATE,衡量能力/潜力而不是成就可能是至关重要的,在那里,高级学习计划可以帮助消除机会差距。这就是替代/补充方法发挥作用的地方。替代解决方案不需要消除测试;测试种类繁多,包括可能反映高级学习能力的基本技能和能力的测试(Lohman, 2005)。通过更直接地关注我们真正想要测量的东西,替代方法不仅可以帮助确定更多的HM学生获得资优服务(Lohman, 2005),还可以帮助建立更全面、包容和准确的学术能力概念。因此,alternative 1046394 GCQXXX10.1177/00169862211046394Gifted Child QuarterlyFlynn and Shelton research-article2021
Solving the Right Problem: The Need for Alternative Identification Measures in Gifted Education
Gifted and talented education (GATE) exemplifies racial and economic hierarchies that exist in our society, with historically marginalized (HM) students significantly less likely to be identified as gifted, and subsequently receiving gifted services, than their peers (Grissom et al., 2019). Peters (2021) advanced the dialogue around inequities by attempting to not only highlight their existence but to also offer insights into the barriers to overcoming inequity. Although we agree with Peters on his thorough analysis of the complex factors, we challenge the assertion that investigating alternative identification methods wastes effort on solving the wrong problem because traditional standardized tests play a critical role in perpetuating, and often amplifying, systemic inequities in education. Grounded in the University of California (UC) system’s effort to reduce bias in their admissions decisions, Peters (2021) asserts that the inclusion of traditional standardized tests promotes racial and economic diversity in educational programs. However, the report from the UC task force tells a more nuanced story (University of California Academic Senate, 2020). Although test scores produced more equitable results than other achievement metrics, namely high school GPA, this approach was far from demonstrating equity. Prior to dropping standardized tests, 37% of California residents in the UC student body were HM students, whereas 59% of the state’s high school graduates were HM students. Moreover, the task force found substantial performance differences among demographic groups on the SAT and the ACT, noting that these tests alone would have precluded many HM students from gaining admission to the UC system. The advantage of including standardized test scores was due to a comprehensive review of them that allowed for varying thresholds based on students’ context. Although traditional standardized tests may not universally exacerbate existing disparities, it is clear that they are not equitably identifying students for admission. Consistent with the UC findings, the College Board itself reports gaps in SAT performance as a function of racial and economic demographics, with discrepancies as large as 15% to 20% for Black and Latinx students compared with White and Asian students (College Board, 2014, 2020). When considering the intersection of race and family income, the results are even more striking: The effect of family income on SAT performance is almost twice as large for Black students than for White students (Dixon-Román et al., 2013). Similar performance discrepancies exist across other common tests used for university admissions (e.g., ACT, 2020) such as intelligence quotient and achievement tests commonly used for gifted identification (e.g., Kena et al., 2016; Silverman, 2009). One interpretation of these scores is that different groups have different levels of ability, but these assessments are largely testing past achievement. Although these may be historically good predictors of college success among those with equal opportunity, one must question how to address these discrepancies in light of opportunity gaps when trying to identify students who will thrive in college (or GATE programming). Local norms (e.g., selecting based on score distributions within subgroups) offer one solution to score discrepancies across demographics (e.g., Peters, 2021). However, when applied at the demographic level, this is equivalent to saying that some groups require a lower bar. Although at the point of college admissions, the cumulative effects of opportunity gaps may necessitate some adjustments in admissions requirements, norms associated with demographics still send the message that one group is inherently more capable than another. For GATE, if we start from the premise that highability students come from every background, the conclusion must be that the bar does not need to be lowered; it needs to be changed. Measuring ability/potential rather than achievement may be essential in GATE, where advanced learning programs could help combat opportunity gaps. This is where alternative/complementary methods come into play. Alternative solutions need not involve eliminating testing; tests come in a wide variety, including tests of fundamental skills and aptitudes that likely reflect capacity for advanced learning (Lohman, 2005). By focusing more directly on what we actually want to measure, alternative methods can not only help identify larger numbers of HM students for gifted services (Lohman, 2005) but also help build more comprehensive, inclusive, and accurate conceptualizations of academic ability. As such, alternative 1046394 GCQXXX10.1177/00169862211046394Gifted Child QuarterlyFlynn and Shelton research-article2021
期刊介绍:
Gifted Child Quarterly (GCQ) is the official journal of the National Association for Gifted Children. As a leading journal in the field, GCQ publishes original scholarly reviews of the literature and quantitative or qualitative research studies. GCQ welcomes manuscripts offering new or creative insights about giftedness and talent development in the context of the school, the home, and the wider society. Manuscripts that explore policy and policy implications are also welcome. Additionally, GCQ reviews selected books relevant to the field, with an emphasis on scholarly texts or text with policy implications, and publishes reviews, essay reviews, and critiques.