动员宗教分歧和恐怖主义,在埃及进行公民权利谈判

Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI:10.1111/dome.12292
Nevine Abraham
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引用次数: 0

摘要

埃及政府在“9·11”袭击事件周年之际发布了第一份《2021–2026年国家人权战略》(NHRS)(2021),正值西方要求改善人权的压力和该国利用反恐压制声音的十字路口。最近逮捕了科普特活动人士,以扰乱公共和平和煽动宗派主义为借口,称他们为“恐怖分子”。此前,该政权利用了埃及打击伊斯兰激进主义和宗派冲突的历史。该政权还利用2011年革命后的社会不稳定来展示埃及独特的人权案例。本文分析了国家人权委员会的语言与恐怖主义纠缠在一起,以谈判对公民权利和社会正义的解释。在这样做的过程中,国家人权委员会的论点认为,公民权利和社会正义是整个集体的责任,尤其是宗教机构的责任,是公共和平和国家统一的维护者。虽然《国家人权报告》的出版是在向西方捐助者假装民主化,但正如本文所说,将科普特活动人士定性为恐怖分子,夸大了宗教差异,扩大了反恐的范围,并扩大了国家权力。
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Mobilizing religious differences and terrorism, negotiating civil rights in Egypt

The Egyptian state's publication of its first National Human Rights Strategy 2021–2026 (NHRS) (2021) on the anniversary of the September 11th attacks came at the crossroads of Western pressure to improve human rights and the state's use of counterterrorism to silence voices. The recent arrests of Coptic activists, dubbing them “terrorists” on the pretext of disturbing public peace and instigating sectarianism, follows the regime's capitalization on Egypt's history of battling Islamic radicalism and sectarian strife. The regime has additionally used societal instabilities post the 2011 revolution to demonstrate Egypt's unique case of human rights. This paper analyzes the ways in which the language of the NHRS entangles terrorism to negotiate the interpretation of civil rights and social justice. In doing so, the thesis of NHRS posits civil rights and social justice to be the responsibility of the collective in general, and religious institutions in particular, as preservers of public peace and national unity. While the publication of the NHRS is inscribed in the feigning of democratization to Western donors, assigning Coptic activists as terrorists, as this paper argues, plays up religious differences, broadens the purview of counterterrorism, and expands state power.

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