从智慧城市到智慧城市

IF 2.1 Q3 COMPUTER SCIENCE, INFORMATION SYSTEMS
Robin Hambleton
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Global spending on smart cities, already soaring upwards, has now been given a rocket boost by the COVID-19 pandemic. This shift has encouraged enthusiasts for Information and Communication Technology (ICT) to wax lyrical about the way the increasingly sophisticated Internet of Things (IoT) will transform cities in the next few years. What's not to like?</p><p>It may seem churlish to question these developments. However, given the astonishing sums involved, not to mention the rapid pace of technological change and uncertainty about the impacts of IoT on the quality of life of people actually living in cities, I want to encourage more critical reflection on what being a ‘smart city’ might now mean.</p><p>Are the benefits of smart cities strategies all they are cracked up to be? Who is gaining and who is losing as a result of these innovations? More ambitiously, do we need to move beyond traditional smart cities thinking?</p><p>In raising these questions I am following in the footsteps of David Cleevely who asked the following question in these pages last year: ‘Why are smart cities proving to be so hard to deliver?’ [<span>1</span>]. He makes a number of thoughtful observations and rightly highlights the need to pay more attention to the development of suitable governance arrangements and business models to guide smart cities efforts.</p><p>Readers of this journal know well enough that the term ‘smart cities’ can be confusing and that it is certainly contested. It follows that it is useful to revisit a fundamental question from time to time and ask: What do we actually mean by smart cities?</p><p>Some may claim that a smart city is simply one that uses electronic methods and sensors to collect data that can then be used to guide decision-making. Critics of technology-driven change will view such a stance as naïve, betraying at best a poor understanding of power relations in the modern city. Some of them will argue that the phrase smart city is best understood as a clever marketing concept designed to promote the interests of the major ICT companies who have a vested interest in selling their products and capturing personal data about citizens.</p><p>These concerns about the role of big ICT companies in smart cities initiatives cannot be readily dismissed. 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In essence, she fears that the digital public realm is being manipulated and misused by private power.</p><p>Chapter 11 in my book, ‘Leading the Inclusive City’ (2015) [<span>3</span>], unpacks smart cities rhetoric and identifies a number of ‘digital danger zones’ that need to be avoided. Allow me to mention just three of them here.</p><p>First up, as already mentioned, is the invasion of privacy. The COVID-19 pandemic has, unfortunately, heightened concerns about this aspect of smart cities practice. Across the world there has, during this last year or so, been a remarkable upsurge in digital surveillance. It is not just civil liberties campaigners who are concerned that steps taken to enhance citizen monitoring during a crisis can result in intrusive surveillance being left in place long after a given emergency has passed. Can policy makers come up with robust safeguards to protect our rights to privacy?</p><p>Second, where is the evidence showing that smart cities efforts have improved the quality of urban democracy? On the plus side there are now many studies showing that e-government has delivered significant benefits for citizens–for example, improved public access to public services and online access to city council and other public meetings. However, evidence demonstrating that e-democracy is strengthening citizen empowerment still appears to be thin on the ground. This becomes a more important issue when it is recognised that public trust in governments appears to be in decline in more than a few countries. Can new smart cities initiatives be developed that strengthen the role of citizens in policy formulation? Can situated software be co-created with local actors in a way that strengthens the decision-making power of place-based communities living in particular neighbourhoods within cities? In short, can smart cities initiatives be developed that help to revitalise local democracy?</p><p>Third, we have the acute problem of the digital divide. Again, the calamity of COVID-19 has exacerbated this concern. It has been well known for years that poor families and communities suffer a double digital disadvantage. As Karen Mossberger and her colleagues explained in their book, ‘Digital Citizenship: The Internet, Society and Participation’ (2008) [<span>4</span>], poor people tend to have unsatisfactory access to the Internet and, in addition, they tend to lack the skills needed to make use of online resources. This double disadvantage remains firmly in place in most cities and needs to be addressed.</p><p>The discussion presented here is not intended to undermine the value of smart cities thinking or to discourage smart cities experiments and innovation. Rather, my aim is to encourage a more critical approach to the subject and, in particular, to stimulate more penetrating consideration of the question: Who is gaining?</p><p>The distributional effects of smart cities policies are not being given sufficient attention in academic research or smart cities practice. Worse than that, much writing on smart cities is dominated by case studies that appear, at times, to be little more than place-marketing literature, almost in the category ‘Look how good we are’.</p><p>A possible way forward for scholarship and practice is for much more attention to be given to the governance of smart cities efforts. In my new book, ‘Cities and Communities Beyond COVID-19. How Local Leadership Can Change Our Future for the Better’ (2020) [<span>5</span>], I argue that the central challenge to emerge from the COVID-19 crisis facing societies today goes well beyond public health, economics or, indeed, any specific policy area—it concerns how to make radical improvements to the way we govern ourselves.</p><p>Advances in ICT can, in my view, make an important contribution to improving the quality of governance and, in particular, urban governance. But to do this, the focus of attention needs to be on judgement. Acquiring zettabytes, or even yottabytes, of data about human and technical interactions in cities is not going to enhance the quality of life in cities in the absence of wise judgement about what really matters.</p><p>Judgement involves thoughtful consideration about future possibilities. 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More ambitiously, do we need to move beyond traditional smart cities thinking?</p><p>In raising these questions I am following in the footsteps of David Cleevely who asked the following question in these pages last year: ‘Why are smart cities proving to be so hard to deliver?’ [<span>1</span>]. He makes a number of thoughtful observations and rightly highlights the need to pay more attention to the development of suitable governance arrangements and business models to guide smart cities efforts.</p><p>Readers of this journal know well enough that the term ‘smart cities’ can be confusing and that it is certainly contested. It follows that it is useful to revisit a fundamental question from time to time and ask: What do we actually mean by smart cities?</p><p>Some may claim that a smart city is simply one that uses electronic methods and sensors to collect data that can then be used to guide decision-making. Critics of technology-driven change will view such a stance as naïve, betraying at best a poor understanding of power relations in the modern city. Some of them will argue that the phrase smart city is best understood as a clever marketing concept designed to promote the interests of the major ICT companies who have a vested interest in selling their products and capturing personal data about citizens.</p><p>These concerns about the role of big ICT companies in smart cities initiatives cannot be readily dismissed. 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In essence, she fears that the digital public realm is being manipulated and misused by private power.</p><p>Chapter 11 in my book, ‘Leading the Inclusive City’ (2015) [<span>3</span>], unpacks smart cities rhetoric and identifies a number of ‘digital danger zones’ that need to be avoided. Allow me to mention just three of them here.</p><p>First up, as already mentioned, is the invasion of privacy. The COVID-19 pandemic has, unfortunately, heightened concerns about this aspect of smart cities practice. Across the world there has, during this last year or so, been a remarkable upsurge in digital surveillance. It is not just civil liberties campaigners who are concerned that steps taken to enhance citizen monitoring during a crisis can result in intrusive surveillance being left in place long after a given emergency has passed. 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引用次数: 6

摘要

2020年2月,有影响力的市场研究公司国际数据公司(IDC)预测,到今年年底,全球在智慧城市方面的支出将达到1240亿美元。该公司指出,这比2019年的支出增加了19%,预计投资的重点将包括“先进”公共交通、智能交通管理、智能照明和数据驱动的公共安全。在最近一项关于科技趋势的研究中,IDC指出,2020年,自我报告的消费者在科技产品上的支出总体增长了12%。IDC称,“2020年是科技领域发生迷人变化的一年,因为COVID-19……在每一个转折点上都使科技受益”。很明显,随着对面对面会议的封锁和众多限制,互联网设备成为许多人的生命线。所以我们得到了它。全球在智慧城市方面的支出已经飙升,现在又因COVID-19大流行而得到了火箭般的推动。这一转变促使信息和通信技术(ICT)的爱好者们对日益复杂的物联网(IoT)将在未来几年改变城市的方式赞不绝口。有什么不喜欢的呢?质疑这些发展似乎有些无礼。然而,考虑到所涉及的惊人金额,更不用说技术变革的快速步伐和物联网对实际生活在城市中的人们生活质量影响的不确定性,我想鼓励人们对“智慧城市”现在可能意味着什么进行更批判性的反思。智慧城市战略的好处真的如人们所说的那么好吗?作为这些创新的结果,谁是赢家,谁是输家?更大胆地说,我们是否需要超越传统的智慧城市思维?提出这些问题,我是在追随大卫•克利夫利(David Cleevely)的脚步。去年,克利夫利在《金融时报》上提出了以下问题:“为什么智慧城市被证明是如此难以实现?””[1]。他提出了许多深思熟虑的观点,并正确地强调了需要更多地关注发展合适的治理安排和商业模式,以指导智慧城市的努力。这本杂志的读者都很清楚,“智慧城市”这个词可能令人困惑,而且肯定存在争议。因此,时不时地重新审视一个基本问题是有用的:我们所说的智慧城市到底是什么意思?有些人可能会说,智慧城市只是一个使用电子方法和传感器收集数据,然后用于指导决策的城市。技术驱动变革的批评者会将这种立场视为naïve,充其量也就是对现代城市中权力关系的理解不足。他们中的一些人会争辩说,智慧城市这个词最好被理解为一个聪明的营销概念,旨在促进主要ICT公司的利益,这些公司在销售产品和获取公民的个人数据方面拥有既得利益。这些对大型ICT公司在智慧城市倡议中所扮演角色的担忧不能轻易被忽视。例如,Shoshana Zuboff在她的书《监视资本主义时代》(2019)[2]中展示了谷歌和Facebook等强大的高科技公司如何开发出从我们的个人数据中获取利润的复杂方法。在智慧城市计划方面,祖博夫特别担心的是,谷歌的母公司Alphabet公司目前正积极致力于引入与特定城市合作的“营利性”数据收集模式。她担心,除了在一些城市引入隐蔽监控系统所引发的令人担忧的隐私侵犯之外,公共资产和政府信息正在重生,成为商业公司可以利用的原材料,以谋取私利。从本质上讲,她担心数字公共领域正被私人力量操纵和滥用。在我的书《引领包容性城市》(Leading the Inclusive City, 2015)中的第11章[3],对智慧城市的修辞进行了剖析,并指出了一些需要避免的“数字危险区域”。请允许我在这里只提到其中的三个。首先,正如已经提到的,是对隐私的侵犯。不幸的是,2019冠状病毒病大流行加剧了人们对智慧城市实践这方面的担忧。在过去一年左右的时间里,全球范围内的数字监控出现了显著的增长。不仅仅是公民自由运动人士担心,在危机期间采取的加强公民监督的措施,可能会导致在特定的紧急情况过去很长一段时间后,仍然存在侵入性的监视。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
From smart cities to wise cities

In February 2020, the International Data Corporation (IDC), an influential market research firm, predicted that global spending on smart cities would reach $124 billion by the end of the year. The company noted that this represented a 19% increase on 2019 spending and that the priorities for investment were expected to include ‘advanced’ public transit, intelligent traffic management, smart lighting and data-driven public safety.

In a more recent study of tech trends, one that notes an overall increase of 12% in self-reported consumer spending on tech products during 2020, the IDC claims that ‘2020 was a year of fascinating change in the tech space as COVID-19 … benefitted tech at every turn’. It seems clear that with lockdowns and numerous restrictions on face-to-face meetings internet-enabled devices became a lifeline for many people.

So there we have it. Global spending on smart cities, already soaring upwards, has now been given a rocket boost by the COVID-19 pandemic. This shift has encouraged enthusiasts for Information and Communication Technology (ICT) to wax lyrical about the way the increasingly sophisticated Internet of Things (IoT) will transform cities in the next few years. What's not to like?

It may seem churlish to question these developments. However, given the astonishing sums involved, not to mention the rapid pace of technological change and uncertainty about the impacts of IoT on the quality of life of people actually living in cities, I want to encourage more critical reflection on what being a ‘smart city’ might now mean.

Are the benefits of smart cities strategies all they are cracked up to be? Who is gaining and who is losing as a result of these innovations? More ambitiously, do we need to move beyond traditional smart cities thinking?

In raising these questions I am following in the footsteps of David Cleevely who asked the following question in these pages last year: ‘Why are smart cities proving to be so hard to deliver?’ [1]. He makes a number of thoughtful observations and rightly highlights the need to pay more attention to the development of suitable governance arrangements and business models to guide smart cities efforts.

Readers of this journal know well enough that the term ‘smart cities’ can be confusing and that it is certainly contested. It follows that it is useful to revisit a fundamental question from time to time and ask: What do we actually mean by smart cities?

Some may claim that a smart city is simply one that uses electronic methods and sensors to collect data that can then be used to guide decision-making. Critics of technology-driven change will view such a stance as naïve, betraying at best a poor understanding of power relations in the modern city. Some of them will argue that the phrase smart city is best understood as a clever marketing concept designed to promote the interests of the major ICT companies who have a vested interest in selling their products and capturing personal data about citizens.

These concerns about the role of big ICT companies in smart cities initiatives cannot be readily dismissed. For example, in her book, ‘The Age of Surveillance Capitalism’ (2019) [2], Shoshana Zuboff shows how enormously powerful high-tech companies, such as Google and Facebook, have developed sophisticated ways of extracting profit from our personal data.

In relation to smart cities initiatives, Zuboff is particularly concerned that Alphabet Inc, the parent company of Google, is now actively working to introduce ‘for-profit’ models of data gathering in collaboration with particular cities. She fears that, quite apart from the worrying invasion of privacy arising from the introduction of hidden surveillance systems in some cities, public assets and government information are being reborn as raw material that can be exploited by commercial companies for private gain. In essence, she fears that the digital public realm is being manipulated and misused by private power.

Chapter 11 in my book, ‘Leading the Inclusive City’ (2015) [3], unpacks smart cities rhetoric and identifies a number of ‘digital danger zones’ that need to be avoided. Allow me to mention just three of them here.

First up, as already mentioned, is the invasion of privacy. The COVID-19 pandemic has, unfortunately, heightened concerns about this aspect of smart cities practice. Across the world there has, during this last year or so, been a remarkable upsurge in digital surveillance. It is not just civil liberties campaigners who are concerned that steps taken to enhance citizen monitoring during a crisis can result in intrusive surveillance being left in place long after a given emergency has passed. Can policy makers come up with robust safeguards to protect our rights to privacy?

Second, where is the evidence showing that smart cities efforts have improved the quality of urban democracy? On the plus side there are now many studies showing that e-government has delivered significant benefits for citizens–for example, improved public access to public services and online access to city council and other public meetings. However, evidence demonstrating that e-democracy is strengthening citizen empowerment still appears to be thin on the ground. This becomes a more important issue when it is recognised that public trust in governments appears to be in decline in more than a few countries. Can new smart cities initiatives be developed that strengthen the role of citizens in policy formulation? Can situated software be co-created with local actors in a way that strengthens the decision-making power of place-based communities living in particular neighbourhoods within cities? In short, can smart cities initiatives be developed that help to revitalise local democracy?

Third, we have the acute problem of the digital divide. Again, the calamity of COVID-19 has exacerbated this concern. It has been well known for years that poor families and communities suffer a double digital disadvantage. As Karen Mossberger and her colleagues explained in their book, ‘Digital Citizenship: The Internet, Society and Participation’ (2008) [4], poor people tend to have unsatisfactory access to the Internet and, in addition, they tend to lack the skills needed to make use of online resources. This double disadvantage remains firmly in place in most cities and needs to be addressed.

The discussion presented here is not intended to undermine the value of smart cities thinking or to discourage smart cities experiments and innovation. Rather, my aim is to encourage a more critical approach to the subject and, in particular, to stimulate more penetrating consideration of the question: Who is gaining?

The distributional effects of smart cities policies are not being given sufficient attention in academic research or smart cities practice. Worse than that, much writing on smart cities is dominated by case studies that appear, at times, to be little more than place-marketing literature, almost in the category ‘Look how good we are’.

A possible way forward for scholarship and practice is for much more attention to be given to the governance of smart cities efforts. In my new book, ‘Cities and Communities Beyond COVID-19. How Local Leadership Can Change Our Future for the Better’ (2020) [5], I argue that the central challenge to emerge from the COVID-19 crisis facing societies today goes well beyond public health, economics or, indeed, any specific policy area—it concerns how to make radical improvements to the way we govern ourselves.

Advances in ICT can, in my view, make an important contribution to improving the quality of governance and, in particular, urban governance. But to do this, the focus of attention needs to be on judgement. Acquiring zettabytes, or even yottabytes, of data about human and technical interactions in cities is not going to enhance the quality of life in cities in the absence of wise judgement about what really matters.

Judgement involves thoughtful consideration about future possibilities. It needs to be informed by sound values, it requires imagination and creativity and, in a democratic society, it needs to be underpinned by inclusive, participatory decision-making processes.

The good news is that many civic leaders—in political roles, in public service positions, in businesses, in trade unions, in academia and in civil society more broadly—recognise the importance of reaching agreement on the core values that can then guide the development of their cities and city regions. The Bristol One City Approach, developed over the last five years, provides a good example of inclusive city governance in action [6].

Cities across the world now face four major challenges at once: (1) The COVID-19 health emergency; (2) A sharp economic downturn arising from the pandemic; (3) A growing climate emergency; and (4) An unacceptable growth in social, economic and racial inequality. To address these challenges successfully, we may need to step beyond traditional smart cities thinking and pay more attention to how to co-create wise cities.

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来源期刊
IET Smart Cities
IET Smart Cities Social Sciences-Urban Studies
CiteScore
7.70
自引率
3.20%
发文量
25
审稿时长
21 weeks
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