这次的社交媒体(道德)恐慌:为什么CAM学者可能需要一种更复杂的方法

IF 2.1 3区 心理学 Q2 COMMUNICATION
Dafna Lemish
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引用次数: 0

摘要

1980年,在俄亥俄州立大学的博士综合考试中,我被要求讨论对我思想影响最大的文章。我当时最喜欢的是Bernard Berelson(1948)的文章;主要是关于一个核心研究问题——媒体效应的这句话:“在某些条件下,在某些问题上,引起某些人注意的某些类型的传播具有某些类型的影响”(第172页)。在研究了多年关于媒体效应的文献——从强效应到有限效应的理论——之后,Berelson的格言为我20世纪80年代的自己提供了一个明智、全面的答案,来回答媒体效应的问题,它说明了一切(或者,什么都没有?)。毫无疑问,无论你的立场如何,这一直是并仍然是当今儿童、青少年和媒体学者最关心的一个有趣、具有挑战性的基本问题。事实上,这些年来,它确实对我的奖学金产生了长期影响。作为Elihu Katz的硕士顾问,我也对“活跃受众”框架和寻求满足的媒体用户的代理进行了大量投资(Blumler&Katz,1974)。当时,它很适合我。然而,随着我在儿童和媒体领域的学术生涯的发展,我似乎已经制定了一个相当复杂的学术和方法议程,包括“效果”辩论的各个方面。例如,我在博士后研究期间报道了一项关于婴儿从社会化到看电视的人种学研究,但几年后我回到以色列时,也报道了摔跤项目对学校暴力的影响。当时,我受到美国发展心理学传统的影响。诚然,这是一种缺陷模型,它将孩子框定为在成为成年人的过程中取得进步,这是占主导地位的心理学方法。后来,我发现自己更倾向于欧洲研究,以及大卫·白金汉等学者的工作,他们探索了儿童的能动性和声音(白金汉,1993年)。渐渐地,我远离了强有力的媒体效应研究,采用了Kirsten Drotner对“媒体恐慌”的批评(Drotner,1992),以及围绕“媒体成瘾”的话语中的选择性论点。相反,我主张促进父母、教育工作者、媒体机构和政策制定者之间的合作,使儿童能够最大限度地发挥媒体的积极潜力,同时将其潜在危害降至最低。与此同时,我发现自己得出的结论是,我与来自医学健康角度的研究人员几乎没有共同点,他们强调媒体对健康发展的有害影响。例如,我对诸如“数字媒体,儿童的焦虑和抑郁”、“网络游戏障碍”、“数字
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The social media (moral) panic this time: Why CAM scholars may need a more complex approach
For my Ph.D. comprehensive exams at Ohio State University in 1980, I was asked to discuss articles that had most influenced my thinking. My favorite at the time was Bernard Berelson’s (1948) article; chiefly, for this quote regarding a central research issue – media effects: “Some kinds of communication, on some kinds of issues, brought to the attention of some kinds of people, under some kinds of conditions, have some kinds of effects” (p. 172). After studying the literature on media effects for many years – from strong to limited effects’ theories – Berelson’s dictum provided my 1980s self with a sensible, comprehensive answer to the question of media effects that said it all (or, nothing at all?). Undoubtedly, whatever your position, it has been and remains an intriguing, challenging, and basic issue of primary concern to scholars of children, adolescents, and media (CAM) today. Indeed, it certainly has had long-term impacts over the years on my scholarship. As a Master’s advisee of Elihu Katz, I, too, became heavily invested in the “active audience” framework and the agency of gratification-seeking media users (Blumler & Katz, 1974). At the time, it fit me well. Yet, as my academic career in the field of children and media progressed, I seem to have developed a rather entwined scholarly and methodological agenda, inclusive of all sides of the “effects” debate. For example, I reported from an ethnographic study of babies’ socialization to TV viewing during my post-doctoral fellowship, but also a study on the impact of wrestling programs on violence in schools a few years later when I returned to Israel. At the time, I was under the influence of the US developmental psychology tradition. Admittedly, this was a deficit model that framed the child as progressing in the process of becoming an adult, which was the dominant psychological approach. Later, I found myself gravitating more towards European studies, and the work of scholars such as David Buckingham who explored children’s agency and voice (Buckingham, 1993). Gradually I distanced myself from strong media effects research, adopting Kirsten Drotner’s criticisms of “media panics” (Drotner, 1992) as well as selective arguments in discourses around “media addiction.” Instead, I advocated for advancing collaboration between parents, educators, media institutions, and policymakers to enable children to maximize the positive potential of media, while minimizing its potential harms. In parallel, I found myself concluding that I had very little in common with researchers coming from a medical-health perspective, who emphasized the media’s harmful impacts on healthy development. For example, I was suspicious of the titles of articles such as: “digital media, anxiety and depression in children;” “internet gaming disorder;” “digital
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