消费者与新工党:消费者为王?

Eric J. Shaw
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引用次数: 9

摘要

消费者与新劳动力:消费者为王?传统上,左派拒绝选择,认为这是右派的特权。在消费者为王的消费社会中,让出这一政治领域并不是进步政治的可行策略。“消费者的形象”,维德勒和克拉克写道,“是新工党改革和公共服务现代化方法的核心”。消费主义,即“围绕被理解为服务消费者的公众组织服务的承诺”,在2000年后成为布莱尔政府叙事的中心主题,是公共服务改革的一般组织原则(维德勒和克拉克,2005:19,20)。参见Clarke et al, 2007)。新工党消费者叙事的主要元素是什么?为什么它被采纳并如此有力地提出?它在多大程度上与过去的工党(以及传统的社会民主党)思想发生了重大决裂?本章的一个关键目标是阐明新工党对“消费主义”的理解。在这样做时,它将大量借鉴舍恩和雷小山的框架概念。框架可以被理解为一种分析手段,它为一个复杂、不断变化和令人困惑的世界提供秩序和可理解性(Schon和Rein, 1994)。本章的第一部分简要介绍了“框架”的概念,然后讨论了所谓的新工党的“诊断框架”,即它定义公共服务“现代化”问题的方式(出于空间和政治重要性的原因,我们将重点放在教育和医疗保健上)。下一节考虑新工党的“规范框架”,也就是说,从这个诊断中出现的主要政策处方,最后一节探讨新工党消费主义叙事中的模糊性和问题。在本章中,我借鉴了文献研究(各种类型的政府文件和部长政策演讲)和主要在2004年至2007年间进行的一系列访谈,受访者包括前政府部长,前政府顾问和国会议员和临床医生。有些是记录在案的,但大多数是不公开的(列表见Shaw, 2007)。新工党公共政策方针的一个中心组织原则是它对“意识形态思维”的否定。它相信“不带意识形态的先入之见”地处理问题,并“通过诚实、精心构建和务实的政策”寻找实际的解决方案(布莱尔和施罗德,1999年)。...
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The consumer and New Labour: the consumer as king?
The Consumer and New Labour: The consumer as king? 'Traditionally the left turned its back on choice as the preserve of the right. In a consumer society where the consumer is king, vacating this political terrain is not a feasible strategy for progressive politics' 1. Introduction: New Labour and Framing 'The figure of the consumer', Vidler and Clarke have written, 'stands at the heart of New Labour's approach to the reform and modernisation of public services'. Consumerism, that is 'the commitment to organising services around a public understood as consumers of services' emerged after 2000 as the central motif in the Blair Government's narrative, 'a generic organizing principle for public service reform (Vidler and Clarke, 2005: 19, 20. See also Clarke et al, 2007). What were the main elements of New Labour's consumer narrative? Why was it adopted and so vigorously propounded? To what extent did it amount to a major break with past Labour (and traditional social democratic) thinking? A key objective of this chapter is to elucidate New Labour's understanding of 'consumerism'. In so doing it shall draw heavily on Schon and Rein concept of the frame. Frames can be understood as analytical devices which supply order and intelligibility to a complex, ever-shifting and confusing world (Schon and Rein, 1994). The first part of the chapter, after a brief sketch of the concept of 'framing', consists of a discussion of what shall be called New Labour's 'diagnostic frame,' that is the way the way it defined the problem of 'modernising' the public services (for reasons of both space and political saliency, we focus on education and healthcare). The next section considers New Labour's 'prescriptive frames', that is to say its major policy prescriptions which emerged from this diagnosis, The final section explores ambiguities and problems within New Labour's consumerist narrative. In this chapter I draw upon documentary research (government papers of various types and ministerial policy speeches) and a series of interviews conducted mainly between 2004 and 2007 The people interviewed include former government ministers, former government advisors and MPs and clinicians. Some were on the record but mostly off (for a list see Shaw, 2007). A central organising principle of the New Labour approach to public policy is its repudiation of 'ideological thinking'. It believed in approaching issues 'without ideological preconceptions' and searching for practical solutions 'through honest well constructed and pragmatic policies' (Blair and Schroder 1999). …
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