Special section: Considering suitable research methods for islands

IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY
Elizabeth McMahon, Godfrey Baldacchino
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

The last 30 years have seen the consolidation of island studies as a field of research with particular imperatives and methodologies of interest to geographers and others, and not least the readers of this journal. This consolidation has been achieved through a range of strategies and practices from the involvement of government agencies and island development legislation and plans to the establishment of academic associations, dedicated scholarly journals, large-scale publishing projects in diverse locations and languages, conferences, interdisciplinary forums, postgraduate programmes of study, and collaborative research (including special journal sections, as here). A key objective of this (ongoing) project has been to reframe research methodologies that deal with and work for islands and archipelagos. For research findings to be meaningful to islands and islanders themselves, there is a heartfelt need to enact profound shifts in the premises and practices by which islands and islanders have been framed as convenient, even coy, objects of study (Baldacchino, 2008). Most fundamentally, there has been a perceived need for the relationship between among researchers, islands, and islanders to be reconceived and repurposed in terms of Indigeneity, decoloniality, scale, ethics, relationality, and standpoint.

The conception of islands as readymade laboratories and amenable case study material has been axiomatic across the disciplines, as with Charles Darwin and the Galápagos Islands and Margaret Mead on Samoa (Baldacchino, 2004). In 1965, Surtsey island off Iceland was declared a nature reserve for scientists while it was still in the process of being formed by volcanic action: a perfect, pristine research laboratory. In a related way, islands have also operated in the imagination as the primordial or pure homeplace, even for non-islanders. Moreover, history has shown how easily the imaginary island-homeplace fuelled and then consolidated European colonisation via the control of the sea lanes (for example, Benton, 2009). Islands are also imagined as perfect mirrors for the human psyche—hence the warning “No Man is an Island” (Beer, 1990; Deleuze, 2004; McMahon, 2016; Smith & Smith, 2003; Tuan, 1977). The topos of the island has been mapped as the topos of the self, of (self) possession, and the possession of knowledge. It is the topography that most profoundly connects being and space and their inter-relationship. In all these ways, it is the clearly self-enisled topography of the island that brings researchers across many fields to the disciplinary ontologies of geography. Islands hold us captive, but they are also captivating.

This “island turn” has focused attention on the manifold shortcomings of much research on and about (but not for or with) islands, including ongoing practices of objectification, colonisation, and segregation (Baldacchino, 2008; Stratford et al., 2011). Much has been achieved, often through connections across the interdisciplinary reach of the field and by the deployment of mixed methodologies that render the complexities and contradictions of islands more visible. Islands have also become emblematic of the Anthropocene, a model for researchers to think through environmental and cultural relationality. This model follows Deleuze’s (1997) ideal of archipelagic relationality in which islands are defined by their singularity, independence, interdependence, and mobility: a raft of qualities that, in his formulation, also enable political resistance. Chandler and Pugh (2021, p. 209) argue that islands have become “instruments of productive knowledge” and are “fundamental to an alternative, correlational, epistemology.” Islands also provide an alternative model of scale, opposed to a single globe, which, as Spivak (2003) has argued, is a logo of capitalism and “a totalizing image of reified ideology” (McMahon, 2013, pp. 55–56). While easily persevering as outliers and “elsewheres” in the public imaginary (Bonnett, 2020), islands are now being foregrounded as pivotal and vital spaces to enact and evaluate a different kind of practice and not just for the purpose of understanding how to transition to a decarbonised and sustainable future.

特别部分:考虑适合岛屿的研究方法
最后30 多年来,岛屿研究被视为一个研究领域,具有地理学家和其他人感兴趣的特殊必要性和方法,尤其是本杂志的读者。这种整合是通过一系列战略和做法实现的,从政府机构和岛屿发展立法和计划的参与,到建立学术协会、专门的学术期刊、以不同地点和语言开展的大规模出版项目、会议、跨学科论坛、研究生学习方案、,以及合作研究(包括特殊期刊部分,如这里所示)。这个(正在进行的)项目的一个关键目标是重新制定处理岛屿和群岛并为其工作的研究方法。为了使研究结果对岛屿和岛民本身有意义,迫切需要对岛屿和岛民被视为方便甚至害羞的研究对象的前提和实践进行深刻的转变(Baldacchino,2008)。最根本的是,研究人员、岛屿和岛民之间的关系需要从愤怒、非殖民化、规模、伦理、关系和立场等方面重新认识和调整。岛屿作为现成的实验室和可接受的案例研究材料的概念在各个学科中都是不言自明的,就像查尔斯·达尔文和加拉帕戈斯群岛以及玛格丽特·米德关于萨摩亚的观点一样(Baldacchino,2004)。1965年,冰岛附近的苏尔采岛被宣布为科学家的自然保护区,当时它仍处于火山活动形成的过程中:一个完美、原始的研究实验室。以一种相关的方式,岛屿也在想象中作为原始或纯粹的家园运作,即使对于非岛民来说也是如此。此外,历史已经表明,这个想象中的岛屿家园是多么容易通过控制海上航道来推动并巩固欧洲的殖民主义(例如,Benton,2009)。岛屿也被认为是人类心理的完美镜子——因此发出了“没有人是岛屿”的警告(Beer,1990;德勒兹,2004年;麦克马洪,2016;史密斯和史密斯,2003年;Tuan,1977年)。岛上的地形被绘制为自我、(自我)拥有和知识拥有的地形。地形最深刻地将存在和空间及其相互关系联系在一起。在所有这些方面,正是该岛明显的自成一体的地形将许多领域的研究人员带到了地理学的学科本体论。岛屿俘虏了我们,但它们也很迷人。这种“岛屿转向”将注意力集中在许多关于岛屿的研究(但不是针对岛屿或与岛屿有关的研究)的多方面缺陷上,包括正在进行的客观化、殖民化和种族隔离实践(Baldacchino,2008;Stratford等人,2011年),通常是通过跨学科领域的联系,以及通过部署混合方法,使岛屿的复杂性和矛盾更加明显。岛屿也成为人类世的象征,是研究人员思考环境和文化关系的典范。该模型遵循了德勒兹(Deleuze,1997)的群岛关系理想,在该理想中,岛屿由其单一性、独立性、相互依存性和流动性来定义:在他的表述中,这些品质也促成了政治抵抗。Chandler和Pugh(2021,第209页)认为,岛屿已经成为“生产性知识的工具”,是“一种替代的、相关的认识论的基础”。岛屿还提供了一种替代性的规模模型,而不是单一的地球,正如Spivak(2003)所说,是资本主义的标志和“具体化意识形态的总体形象”(McMahon,2013,第55-56页)。尽管在公众想象中,岛屿很容易成为局外人和“异类”(Bonnet,2020),但现在,岛屿正被视为制定和评估不同实践的关键和重要空间,而不仅仅是为了了解如何过渡到脱碳和可持续的未来。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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