Heather L McCauley, Maria-Ernestina Christl, Anne P DePrince
{"title":"创伤、暴力和生殖权利。","authors":"Heather L McCauley, Maria-Ernestina Christl, Anne P DePrince","doi":"10.1080/15299732.2023.2212401","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In June 2022, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade with the Dobbs decision (Davis, 2022). Early media coverage turned attention to whether socalled state “trigger” laws outlawing abortion care made exceptions in cases of rape or incest. The media frame relegated abortion access to an issue after victimization and a matter specific to sexual violence (Cineas, 2022). We assessed things differently as researchers working on intimate violence from disciplinary perspectives that span clinical psychology, social epidemiology, and social work. After all, our fields had a name for forcing people to stay pregnant: reproductive coercion, defined as behavior “that interferes with the autonomous decision-making” about reproductive health (Grace & Anderson, 2018). At the time of the Dobbs decision, research on reproductive coercion had been growing, documenting the prevalence and correlates of this form of intimate violence (Basile et al., 2018; Grace et al., 2022; Miller et al., 2010). A 2018 systematic review by Grace and Anderson outlined three interconnected forms of reproductive coercion: birth control sabotage (interfering with contraceptive and condom use), pregnancy coercion (threatening or pressuring a partner to get pregnant), and abortion coercion (threatening or pressuring a partner to get or not get an abortion). Empirical studies documented that reproductive coercion begins as early as adolescence (Hill et al., 2019; PettyJohn et al., 2021), and disproportionately affects marginalized and minoritized groups (Alexander et al., 2016; Holliday et al., 2017; McCauley et al., 2015). Yet, much remained unknown, particularly in terms of the structural determinants underpinning early patterns as well as the ways that broader family systems, communities, and governments may perpetrate reproductive coercion to maintain inequitable power systems. It was our sense at the time – and remains so today – that research would be critical to revealing the scope of the problem of reproductive coercion at this time of enormous policy change. Furthermore, we believed that trauma science and practice has an especially important role to play because of the field’s approach to understanding that individual, community, and system dynamics work together to shape risk for, response to, and healing from traumatic stress. Thus, this Special Issue of the Journal of Trauma & Dissociation (JTD) explores the intersection of trauma, violence, and reproductive rights. We include six articles that present theory, literature review, and empirical data to advance discourse about trauma and reproductive JOURNAL OF TRAUMA & DISSOCIATION 2023, VOL. 24, NO. 4, 445–452 https://doi.org/10.1080/15299732.2023.2212401","PeriodicalId":47476,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Trauma & Dissociation","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS.\",\"authors\":\"Heather L McCauley, Maria-Ernestina Christl, Anne P DePrince\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/15299732.2023.2212401\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"In June 2022, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade with the Dobbs decision (Davis, 2022). Early media coverage turned attention to whether socalled state “trigger” laws outlawing abortion care made exceptions in cases of rape or incest. The media frame relegated abortion access to an issue after victimization and a matter specific to sexual violence (Cineas, 2022). We assessed things differently as researchers working on intimate violence from disciplinary perspectives that span clinical psychology, social epidemiology, and social work. After all, our fields had a name for forcing people to stay pregnant: reproductive coercion, defined as behavior “that interferes with the autonomous decision-making” about reproductive health (Grace & Anderson, 2018). At the time of the Dobbs decision, research on reproductive coercion had been growing, documenting the prevalence and correlates of this form of intimate violence (Basile et al., 2018; Grace et al., 2022; Miller et al., 2010). A 2018 systematic review by Grace and Anderson outlined three interconnected forms of reproductive coercion: birth control sabotage (interfering with contraceptive and condom use), pregnancy coercion (threatening or pressuring a partner to get pregnant), and abortion coercion (threatening or pressuring a partner to get or not get an abortion). Empirical studies documented that reproductive coercion begins as early as adolescence (Hill et al., 2019; PettyJohn et al., 2021), and disproportionately affects marginalized and minoritized groups (Alexander et al., 2016; Holliday et al., 2017; McCauley et al., 2015). Yet, much remained unknown, particularly in terms of the structural determinants underpinning early patterns as well as the ways that broader family systems, communities, and governments may perpetrate reproductive coercion to maintain inequitable power systems. It was our sense at the time – and remains so today – that research would be critical to revealing the scope of the problem of reproductive coercion at this time of enormous policy change. Furthermore, we believed that trauma science and practice has an especially important role to play because of the field’s approach to understanding that individual, community, and system dynamics work together to shape risk for, response to, and healing from traumatic stress. Thus, this Special Issue of the Journal of Trauma & Dissociation (JTD) explores the intersection of trauma, violence, and reproductive rights. 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In June 2022, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade with the Dobbs decision (Davis, 2022). Early media coverage turned attention to whether socalled state “trigger” laws outlawing abortion care made exceptions in cases of rape or incest. The media frame relegated abortion access to an issue after victimization and a matter specific to sexual violence (Cineas, 2022). We assessed things differently as researchers working on intimate violence from disciplinary perspectives that span clinical psychology, social epidemiology, and social work. After all, our fields had a name for forcing people to stay pregnant: reproductive coercion, defined as behavior “that interferes with the autonomous decision-making” about reproductive health (Grace & Anderson, 2018). At the time of the Dobbs decision, research on reproductive coercion had been growing, documenting the prevalence and correlates of this form of intimate violence (Basile et al., 2018; Grace et al., 2022; Miller et al., 2010). A 2018 systematic review by Grace and Anderson outlined three interconnected forms of reproductive coercion: birth control sabotage (interfering with contraceptive and condom use), pregnancy coercion (threatening or pressuring a partner to get pregnant), and abortion coercion (threatening or pressuring a partner to get or not get an abortion). Empirical studies documented that reproductive coercion begins as early as adolescence (Hill et al., 2019; PettyJohn et al., 2021), and disproportionately affects marginalized and minoritized groups (Alexander et al., 2016; Holliday et al., 2017; McCauley et al., 2015). Yet, much remained unknown, particularly in terms of the structural determinants underpinning early patterns as well as the ways that broader family systems, communities, and governments may perpetrate reproductive coercion to maintain inequitable power systems. It was our sense at the time – and remains so today – that research would be critical to revealing the scope of the problem of reproductive coercion at this time of enormous policy change. Furthermore, we believed that trauma science and practice has an especially important role to play because of the field’s approach to understanding that individual, community, and system dynamics work together to shape risk for, response to, and healing from traumatic stress. Thus, this Special Issue of the Journal of Trauma & Dissociation (JTD) explores the intersection of trauma, violence, and reproductive rights. We include six articles that present theory, literature review, and empirical data to advance discourse about trauma and reproductive JOURNAL OF TRAUMA & DISSOCIATION 2023, VOL. 24, NO. 4, 445–452 https://doi.org/10.1080/15299732.2023.2212401