罗伊案:最高法院、人口控制和生殖正义

M. Ziegler
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引用次数: 3

摘要

种族和堕胎的问题影响了当前关于取消计划生育资助和禁止种族选择堕胎的法律辩论。在这些讨论中,堕胎反对者将20世纪的优生或人口控制运动与当代堕胎权利运动紧密联系起来。在挑战对堕胎的法律限制时,堕胎权利活动人士通常坚持认为,他们的运动及其前身主要享有生育选择的特权。尽管种族在堕胎政治中处于中心地位,但在罗伊诉韦德案产生或之后的堕胎种族政治中,并没有有意义的历史。本文通过关注20世纪70年代堕胎的种族政治,缩小了堕胎讨论中的这一差距。在20世纪70年代,一些人口控制者确实与优生法律改革运动有联系,或者对限制贫困、非白人人口的增长特别感兴趣。然而,那些与堕胎权利运动关系最密切的团体主要关注白人中产阶级家庭的计划生育,强调环境管理和性解放的重要性。将堕胎权、人口控制和优生学运动彼此区分开来的观点是有缺陷的。与此同时,通过重新解释罗伊案,女权主义者创造了重塑堕胎种族政治的新机会。通过捍卫自己对反对堕胎的观点的理解,女权主义者能够将堕胎重新定义为一项属于女性的权利,而不考虑其政治后果。这篇文章表明,通过在适当的历史背景下进行讨论,关于种族和堕胎的讨论将更加有原则和富有成效。反对堕胎的人可以公平地讨论计划生育运动的历史,但模糊堕胎权利运动与其前身之间的任何区别都是有问题和误导性的。反过来,堕胎权利活动家应该解决过去以人口为基础的主张的相关性,承认那些努力将堕胎重新定义为妇女权利的人的贡献。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Roe’s Race: The Supreme Court, Population Control, and Reproductive Justice
Questions of race and abortion have shaped current legal debates about defunding Planned Parenthood and banning race-selection abortion. In these discussions, abortion opponents draw a close connection between the eugenic or population control movements of the twentieth century and the contemporary abortion-rights movement. In challenging legal restrictions on abortion, abortion-rights activists generally insist that their movement and its predecessors have primarily privileged reproductive choice. Notwithstanding the centrality of race to abortion politics, there has been no meaningful history of the racial politics of abortion that produced or followed Roe v. Wade. This article closes this gap in the abortion discussion by focusing on the racial politics of abortion in the 1970s. In the 1970s, some population controllers did have ties to the eugenic legal reform movement or a particular interest in limiting the growth of poor, non-white populations. Those groups most closely involved with the abortion-rights movement, however, primarily focused on family planning for white, middle-class families, emphasizing the importance of environmental stewardship and sexual liberation. Arguments treating the abortion-rights, population control, and eugenics movements as indistinguishable from one another are flawed. At the same time, by reinterpreting Roe, feminists created new opportunities to reshape the racial politics of abortion. By defending their own understanding of the opinion against antiabortion attack, feminists were able to redefine abortion as a right that belonged to women irrespective of its political consequences. The article shows that, by grounding the discussion in proper historical context, discussion of race and abortion will be more principled and productive. Abortion opponents can fairly discuss the history of the family planning movement, but blurring any distinction between the abortion-rights movement and its predecessors is problematic and misleading. In turn, abortion-rights activists should address the past relevance of population-based claims, acknowledging the contributions of those who worked to redefine abortion as a woman’s right.
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