动词一致性的指称效应:芬兰语数名词结构

E. Kaiser
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摘要

本文探讨了芬兰语数名词结构(如three birds)在主语位置上看似令人费解的主谓一致模式,这种模式可以出现在单数或复数动词中。目前的理论无法预测这种交替。基于独立于NNC的芬兰语属性,我认为如果我们将动词数字标记分析为依赖于NNC的参考属性,那么芬兰语数据可以与先前的分析相协调。我认为,带有单数动词的nnc并不涉及一致性,而是一种默认的动词形式,在涉及存在解释的语境中出现,而带有复数动词的nnc是(语义)一致性的真实情况。根据我的分析,存在解释的NNCs缺乏主谓一致与以下事实有关:更普遍地说,存在解释的主语在芬兰语中不会触发动词一致(考虑到芬兰语的话语配置特性,这可能源于它们潜在的句法位置)。这些数据表明芬兰语nnc中的主谓一致是可变的,取决于存在和确定的识解,而名义领域的一致模式更为严格,这对统一动词和名义领域的一致机制提出了挑战。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Referential effects on verb agreement: Finnish numeral-noun constructions
This paper explores seemingly puzzling subject-verb agreement patterns with Finnish numeral noun constructions (NNCs, e.g. three birds) in subject position, which can occur with singular or plural verbs. This alternation is not predicted by current theories. Building on properties of Finnish independent of NNCs, I argue that the Finnish data can be reconciled with prior analyses if we analyze verb number marking as dependent on referential properties of the NNC. I suggest that NNCs with singular verbs do not involve agreement, but rather a default verb form that surfaces in contexts involving existential construal, while NNCs with plural verbs are a true case of (semantic) agreement. According to my analysis, the lack of subject-verb agreement with existentially-interpreted NNCs is related to the fact that, more generally, existentially-construed subjects do not trigger verb agreement in Finnish (which presumably stems from their underlying syntactic position, given the discourse-configurational nature of Finnish). By arguing that subject-verb agreement in Finnish NNCs is variable and depends on existential vs. definite construals, while agreement patterns in the nominal domain are more rigid, these data pose a challenge to attempts to unify agreement mechanisms in the verbal and nominal domains.
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