{"title":"论现代俄语“状语分词+主句”结构中的主语同一性问题","authors":"F. Albrekht","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2020.9.2.12","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the subject matching between the adverbial participle construction and the main clause in Russian. Russian normative grammar requires the main clause and the adverbial participle construction within one utterance to express an action or a state of one and the same subject, as the Russian деепричастие (adverbial participle)= is typologically related to an implicit-subject converb. The adverbial participle has developed from a copredicative participle, and now it mostly expresses a subordinate action (or a subordinate state) of the main clause's subject, which has the form of the nominative case. But, according to numerous real language examples, both oral and written, the grammatical subject (if any) in the main clause does not always coincide with the semantic subject of the whole situation. Besides, there are cases when the subjects of the main clause and the adverbial participle construction are different. There exists a wider sphere of semantic and pragmatic relations between participants of the main situation and of the subordinate situation, where the communicative subject, and not the formal one, plays the main role. Several main types of constructions are analysed, in which the semantic and communicative subject, while being the same for both situations, is not expressed by means of the nominative case in the main clause. First, the semantic subject may have the form of the dative case, and that is sometimes = omitted when the subject is clear from the context: Uvidev (see-ADVP.PST) zadaniia, mne (I-DAT) stalo boiazno ‘After seeing the tasks, I became frightened’, Sidia v netoplenoi kvartire, bylo holodno ‘While sitting in the unheated apartment, I (we, etc.) was (were) cold’. Second, there can occur passivisation of the main clause: Vsio eto bylo sdelano (PASS) , pod’ezzhaia (approach-ADVP.PRES) k derevne ‘All of this was done (by the author of the sentence) when he was approaching the village’. Third, the semantic subject may be expressed by different possessive constructions: Zakanchivaia (finish-ADVP.PRES) stat’iu, u menia (I-GEN) slomalsia komp’iuter ‘While I was finishing an article, my computer broke down’. The fourth case is represented by the removal of the subject, which is implicit in the given situation: Potrativ (spend-ADVP.PST) vsio na vypivku, na edu ne ostalos ‘Having spent all his/her/our etc. money on booze, nothing was left for food’. In addition, two rare types of using the adverbial participle construction are analysed: 1) when the latter neither morphologically nor semantically relates to the subject of the main clause: Rebionok gladil sobaku, viliaia (wag-ADVP.PRES) hvostom ‘The child caressed the dog (which was) wagging its tail’; 2) when the construction relates to the grammatical object of the main clause: Pozdravliaiu vas, grazhdanin, sovramshi (lie-ADVP.PST) ‘My congratulations, comrade: you’ve just lied!’. While focusing on Russian utterances, the paper also includes data from other Slavic (including ancient) and, in several cases, from Baltic languages. Comparison shows that the given phenomena are not specific to Russian. Besides, the comparative data helps us to avoid deducing some modern structural phenomena directly from older constructions. For example, there seems to be no reason to connect such structures as Rebionok gladil sobaku, viliaia (wag-ADVP.PRES) hvostom ‘The child caressed the dog (which was) wagging its tail’ directly to the absolute predicative use of participles in Old Russian. We come to the conclusion that the lack of formal and grammatical congruence (in other words, of categorial agreement) between the adverbial participle construction and the main clause is the reason why in modern Russian the adverbial participle construction is able to disconnect from the grammatical subject of the main clause. Therefore, the adverbial participle construction can now be used in any situation when the speaker has a communicative intention to designate a subordinate action and the subject of this action is clear from the context. DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2020.9.2.12","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"244-273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2020-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"On the Problem of Subject Identity in the ‘Adverbial Participle + Main Clause’ Construction in Modern Russian\",\"authors\":\"F. Albrekht\",\"doi\":\"10.31168/2305-6754.2020.9.2.12\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The article discusses the subject matching between the adverbial participle construction and the main clause in Russian. Russian normative grammar requires the main clause and the adverbial participle construction within one utterance to express an action or a state of one and the same subject, as the Russian деепричастие (adverbial participle)= is typologically related to an implicit-subject converb. The adverbial participle has developed from a copredicative participle, and now it mostly expresses a subordinate action (or a subordinate state) of the main clause's subject, which has the form of the nominative case. But, according to numerous real language examples, both oral and written, the grammatical subject (if any) in the main clause does not always coincide with the semantic subject of the whole situation. Besides, there are cases when the subjects of the main clause and the adverbial participle construction are different. There exists a wider sphere of semantic and pragmatic relations between participants of the main situation and of the subordinate situation, where the communicative subject, and not the formal one, plays the main role. Several main types of constructions are analysed, in which the semantic and communicative subject, while being the same for both situations, is not expressed by means of the nominative case in the main clause. First, the semantic subject may have the form of the dative case, and that is sometimes = omitted when the subject is clear from the context: Uvidev (see-ADVP.PST) zadaniia, mne (I-DAT) stalo boiazno ‘After seeing the tasks, I became frightened’, Sidia v netoplenoi kvartire, bylo holodno ‘While sitting in the unheated apartment, I (we, etc.) was (were) cold’. Second, there can occur passivisation of the main clause: Vsio eto bylo sdelano (PASS) , pod’ezzhaia (approach-ADVP.PRES) k derevne ‘All of this was done (by the author of the sentence) when he was approaching the village’. Third, the semantic subject may be expressed by different possessive constructions: Zakanchivaia (finish-ADVP.PRES) stat’iu, u menia (I-GEN) slomalsia komp’iuter ‘While I was finishing an article, my computer broke down’. The fourth case is represented by the removal of the subject, which is implicit in the given situation: Potrativ (spend-ADVP.PST) vsio na vypivku, na edu ne ostalos ‘Having spent all his/her/our etc. money on booze, nothing was left for food’. In addition, two rare types of using the adverbial participle construction are analysed: 1) when the latter neither morphologically nor semantically relates to the subject of the main clause: Rebionok gladil sobaku, viliaia (wag-ADVP.PRES) hvostom ‘The child caressed the dog (which was) wagging its tail’; 2) when the construction relates to the grammatical object of the main clause: Pozdravliaiu vas, grazhdanin, sovramshi (lie-ADVP.PST) ‘My congratulations, comrade: you’ve just lied!’. While focusing on Russian utterances, the paper also includes data from other Slavic (including ancient) and, in several cases, from Baltic languages. Comparison shows that the given phenomena are not specific to Russian. Besides, the comparative data helps us to avoid deducing some modern structural phenomena directly from older constructions. For example, there seems to be no reason to connect such structures as Rebionok gladil sobaku, viliaia (wag-ADVP.PRES) hvostom ‘The child caressed the dog (which was) wagging its tail’ directly to the absolute predicative use of participles in Old Russian. We come to the conclusion that the lack of formal and grammatical congruence (in other words, of categorial agreement) between the adverbial participle construction and the main clause is the reason why in modern Russian the adverbial participle construction is able to disconnect from the grammatical subject of the main clause. Therefore, the adverbial participle construction can now be used in any situation when the speaker has a communicative intention to designate a subordinate action and the subject of this action is clear from the context. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
本文讨论了俄语中状语分词结构与主句的主语匹配问题。俄语规范语法要求主句和状语分词结构在一个话语中表达同一个主语的一个动作或状态,因为俄语деепричастие(状语分词)=在类型上与隐式主语转换有关。状语分词是由协述分词发展而来的,现在它主要表达主句主语的从属动作(或从属状态),具有主格的形式。但是,根据许多真实的语言例子,无论是口头的还是书面的,主句中的语法主语(如果有的话)并不总是与整个情况的语义主语一致。此外,也有主句主语和状语分词结构不一致的情况。在主情景和从属情景的参与者之间存在着更广泛的语义和语用关系,其中交际主体而不是形式主体起主要作用。分析了几种主要的结构类型,在这些结构中,语义主语和交际主语虽然在两种情况下是相同的,但在主句中不通过主格来表达。首先,语义主语可能具有与格的形式,当主语从上下文中清晰时,有时会省略:Uvidev (see-ADVP.PST) zadaniia, mne (I- dat) stalo boiazno“看到任务后,我变得害怕”,Sidia v netoplenoi kvartire, bylo holodno“坐在没有加热的公寓里,我(我们等)很冷”。第二,主句可能出现钝化:Vsio eto bylo sdelano (PASS), pod ' ezzhaia (approach-ADVP.PRES)或derevne“这一切都是(由句子的作者)在他接近村庄时完成的”。第三,语义主语可以用不同的所有格结构来表达:Zakanchivaia (finish-ADVP.PRES) stat ' iu, u menia (I- gen) slomalsia komp ' iutter ' when I was finished a article, my computer broke down '。第四种情况是通过去除主语来表示,这在给定的情况下是隐含的:Potrativ (spend-ADVP.PST) vsio na vypivku, na edu ne ostalos“把他/她/我们等人的钱都花在了酒上,没有留下任何食物”。此外,本文还分析了两种罕见的使用状语分词结构的情况:1)状语分词在形态和语义上都与主句主语无关的情况:Rebionok gladil sobaku, vililiia (wag-ADVP.PRES) hvostom“the child抚摸the dog (which was)摇尾巴”;2)当结构与主句的语法宾语有关时:Pozdravliaiu vas, grazhdanin, sovramshi (lie-ADVP.PST)“我的祝贺,同志:你刚刚撒了谎!”在关注俄语话语的同时,该论文还包括其他斯拉夫语(包括古代)的数据,在一些情况下,还包括波罗的海语言的数据。比较表明,上述现象并非俄语所特有。此外,比较数据有助于我们避免直接从旧建筑中推断出一些现代结构现象。例如,似乎没有理由将Rebionok gladil sobaku, vilaia (wagi - advp . pres) hvostom“孩子抚摸着(正在)摇尾巴的狗”等结构直接与古俄语中分词的绝对谓语用法联系起来。本文认为,现代俄语中状语分词结构与主句在形式和语法上的不一致(即范畴一致)是导致状语分词结构与主句的语法主语脱节的主要原因。因此,当说话人有交际意图指定一个从属动作,并且这个动作的主语从语境中是明确的,状语分词结构现在可以在任何情况下使用。2305 - 6754.2020.9.2.12 DOI: 10.31168 /
On the Problem of Subject Identity in the ‘Adverbial Participle + Main Clause’ Construction in Modern Russian
The article discusses the subject matching between the adverbial participle construction and the main clause in Russian. Russian normative grammar requires the main clause and the adverbial participle construction within one utterance to express an action or a state of one and the same subject, as the Russian деепричастие (adverbial participle)= is typologically related to an implicit-subject converb. The adverbial participle has developed from a copredicative participle, and now it mostly expresses a subordinate action (or a subordinate state) of the main clause's subject, which has the form of the nominative case. But, according to numerous real language examples, both oral and written, the grammatical subject (if any) in the main clause does not always coincide with the semantic subject of the whole situation. Besides, there are cases when the subjects of the main clause and the adverbial participle construction are different. There exists a wider sphere of semantic and pragmatic relations between participants of the main situation and of the subordinate situation, where the communicative subject, and not the formal one, plays the main role. Several main types of constructions are analysed, in which the semantic and communicative subject, while being the same for both situations, is not expressed by means of the nominative case in the main clause. First, the semantic subject may have the form of the dative case, and that is sometimes = omitted when the subject is clear from the context: Uvidev (see-ADVP.PST) zadaniia, mne (I-DAT) stalo boiazno ‘After seeing the tasks, I became frightened’, Sidia v netoplenoi kvartire, bylo holodno ‘While sitting in the unheated apartment, I (we, etc.) was (were) cold’. Second, there can occur passivisation of the main clause: Vsio eto bylo sdelano (PASS) , pod’ezzhaia (approach-ADVP.PRES) k derevne ‘All of this was done (by the author of the sentence) when he was approaching the village’. Third, the semantic subject may be expressed by different possessive constructions: Zakanchivaia (finish-ADVP.PRES) stat’iu, u menia (I-GEN) slomalsia komp’iuter ‘While I was finishing an article, my computer broke down’. The fourth case is represented by the removal of the subject, which is implicit in the given situation: Potrativ (spend-ADVP.PST) vsio na vypivku, na edu ne ostalos ‘Having spent all his/her/our etc. money on booze, nothing was left for food’. In addition, two rare types of using the adverbial participle construction are analysed: 1) when the latter neither morphologically nor semantically relates to the subject of the main clause: Rebionok gladil sobaku, viliaia (wag-ADVP.PRES) hvostom ‘The child caressed the dog (which was) wagging its tail’; 2) when the construction relates to the grammatical object of the main clause: Pozdravliaiu vas, grazhdanin, sovramshi (lie-ADVP.PST) ‘My congratulations, comrade: you’ve just lied!’. While focusing on Russian utterances, the paper also includes data from other Slavic (including ancient) and, in several cases, from Baltic languages. Comparison shows that the given phenomena are not specific to Russian. Besides, the comparative data helps us to avoid deducing some modern structural phenomena directly from older constructions. For example, there seems to be no reason to connect such structures as Rebionok gladil sobaku, viliaia (wag-ADVP.PRES) hvostom ‘The child caressed the dog (which was) wagging its tail’ directly to the absolute predicative use of participles in Old Russian. We come to the conclusion that the lack of formal and grammatical congruence (in other words, of categorial agreement) between the adverbial participle construction and the main clause is the reason why in modern Russian the adverbial participle construction is able to disconnect from the grammatical subject of the main clause. Therefore, the adverbial participle construction can now be used in any situation when the speaker has a communicative intention to designate a subordinate action and the subject of this action is clear from the context. DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2020.9.2.12
期刊介绍:
The Journal Slověne = Словѣне is a periodical focusing on the fields of the arts and humanities. In accordance with the standards of humanities periodicals aimed at the development of national philological traditions in a broad cultural and academic context, the Journal Slověne = Словѣне is multilingual but with a focus on papers in English. The Journal Slověne = Словѣне is intended for the exchange of information between Russian scholars and leading universities and research centers throughout the world and for their further professional integration into the international academic community through a shared focus on Slavic studies. The target audience of the journal is Slavic philologists and scholars in related disciplines (historians, cultural anthropologists, sociologists, specialists in comparative and religious studies, etc.) and related fields (Byzantinists, Germanists, Hebraists, Turkologists, Finno-Ugrists, etc.). The periodical has a pronounced interdisciplinary character and publishes papers from the widest linguistic, philological, and historico-cultural range: there are studies of linguistic typology, pragmalinguistics, computer and applied linguistics, etymology, onomastics, epigraphy, ethnolinguistics, dialectology, folkloristics, Biblical studies, history of science, palaeoslavistics, history of Slavic literatures, Slavs in the context of foreign languages, non-Slavic languages and dialects in the Slavic context, and historical linguistics.