{"title":"禁言令:窒息第一修正案","authors":"Robert T. Roper","doi":"10.1177/106591298103400305","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Y ITS OWN admission one of the most difficult questions the Supreme Court wrestles with is the ubiquitous conflict between a \"free press\" and a \"fair trial\" a conflict which the courts today still have problems resolving (i.e., while they are beginning to readmit cameras to the courtroom, they are allowing the exclusion of reporters from certain judicial proceedings).1 When addressing this conflict the Court generally looked at the time both prior to the empaneling of the jury, and during the trial itself. Although the Court is intolerant of agents that alter the tone of courtroom decorum in a way which precludes \"a sober search for the truth,\" Estes v. Texas, 381 U.S. 532, 551 (1965), and in fact on at least three occasions reversed convictions of defendants who were victims of such poor courtroom management, Carroll v. Texas, 392 U.S. 644 (1968); Estes (1965); and Marshall v. U.S., 360 U.S. 310 (1959), this research is primarily concerned with the pre-trial stage. It is during this pre-trial stage that the Court performs a delicate balancing act between free press and a fair trial. The empaneling of an unbiased jury is vital to securing a fair trial: see Sheppard v. Maxwell, 384 U.S. 333, 362 (1966). Since most publicity describing events surrounding the crime occurs prior to the selection of jurors, exposure to such information may prejudice potential jurors a prejudice that may be impossible to overcome if the juror is then called to serve. The nature of this prejudice may be influenced by both the intensity and tone of the coverage (e.g., the extent of coverage, the language in which the descriptions are framed, etc.), and the publication of damaging claims or facts (e.g., past criminal behavior, confessions, etc.). The Court sees the media's job as necessary to guard \"against the miscarriage of justice by subjecting the police, prosecutors, and judicial processes to extensive public scrutiny and criticism.\"2 Therefore, rather than dictate to the media standards for the performance of their jobs, the judicial system provides several procedural safeguards to insure that the suspect is provided with a fair trial by unbiased jurors. These include: a change of venue to a jurisdiction where the publicity has not been so intense; a continuance, so that the publicity and its effects will have a chance to subside; an intensive voir dire to screen out those jurors who may have been affected by the news accounts; and the employment of simple and explicit judicial instructions concerning the inappropriateness of using information not presented during the trial. Where publicity was extensive, the Court has not responded favorably to defendants who fail to utilize those available protections. On other occasions the Court has contended that the implementation of these safeguards was sufficient to protect the defendant from the impact of prejudicial pretrial publicity (i.e., subsequently referred to as PPP). See Murphy v. Florida, 421","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":"372 - 388"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"1981-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"3","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Gag Order: Asphyxiating the First Amendment\",\"authors\":\"Robert T. Roper\",\"doi\":\"10.1177/106591298103400305\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Y ITS OWN admission one of the most difficult questions the Supreme Court wrestles with is the ubiquitous conflict between a \\\"free press\\\" and a \\\"fair trial\\\" a conflict which the courts today still have problems resolving (i.e., while they are beginning to readmit cameras to the courtroom, they are allowing the exclusion of reporters from certain judicial proceedings).1 When addressing this conflict the Court generally looked at the time both prior to the empaneling of the jury, and during the trial itself. Although the Court is intolerant of agents that alter the tone of courtroom decorum in a way which precludes \\\"a sober search for the truth,\\\" Estes v. Texas, 381 U.S. 532, 551 (1965), and in fact on at least three occasions reversed convictions of defendants who were victims of such poor courtroom management, Carroll v. Texas, 392 U.S. 644 (1968); Estes (1965); and Marshall v. U.S., 360 U.S. 310 (1959), this research is primarily concerned with the pre-trial stage. It is during this pre-trial stage that the Court performs a delicate balancing act between free press and a fair trial. The empaneling of an unbiased jury is vital to securing a fair trial: see Sheppard v. Maxwell, 384 U.S. 333, 362 (1966). Since most publicity describing events surrounding the crime occurs prior to the selection of jurors, exposure to such information may prejudice potential jurors a prejudice that may be impossible to overcome if the juror is then called to serve. The nature of this prejudice may be influenced by both the intensity and tone of the coverage (e.g., the extent of coverage, the language in which the descriptions are framed, etc.), and the publication of damaging claims or facts (e.g., past criminal behavior, confessions, etc.). The Court sees the media's job as necessary to guard \\\"against the miscarriage of justice by subjecting the police, prosecutors, and judicial processes to extensive public scrutiny and criticism.\\\"2 Therefore, rather than dictate to the media standards for the performance of their jobs, the judicial system provides several procedural safeguards to insure that the suspect is provided with a fair trial by unbiased jurors. These include: a change of venue to a jurisdiction where the publicity has not been so intense; a continuance, so that the publicity and its effects will have a chance to subside; an intensive voir dire to screen out those jurors who may have been affected by the news accounts; and the employment of simple and explicit judicial instructions concerning the inappropriateness of using information not presented during the trial. Where publicity was extensive, the Court has not responded favorably to defendants who fail to utilize those available protections. 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引用次数: 3
摘要
最高法院自己也承认,最高法院最难解决的问题之一是“新闻自由”与“公平审判”之间普遍存在的冲突,这是法院今天仍难以解决的冲突(即,当他们开始允许照相机进入法庭时,他们却允许记者被排除在某些司法程序之外)在处理这一冲突时,法院通常会考虑陪审团成员组成之前和审判期间的时间。尽管法院不能容忍代理人以某种方式改变法庭礼仪的基调,以排除“清醒地寻求真相”,埃斯蒂斯诉德克萨斯州案,381 U.S. 532, 551(1965),事实上至少有三次推翻了被告的定罪,这些被告是这种糟糕的法庭管理的受害者,卡罗尔诉德克萨斯州案,392 U.S. 644 (1968);埃斯蒂斯(1965);和马歇尔诉美国案,360 U.S. 310(1959),本研究主要关注审前阶段。正是在这个审判前阶段,法院在新闻自由和公平审判之间进行了微妙的平衡。公正陪审团的组成对于确保公正审判至关重要:参见Sheppard v. Maxwell, 384 U.S. 333, 362(1966)。由于大多数有关犯罪事件的宣传都是在挑选陪审员之前进行的,因此接触到这些信息可能会对潜在陪审员产生偏见,如果陪审员随后被召去服务,这种偏见可能无法克服。这种偏见的性质可能受到报道的强度和语气(例如,报道的范围、描述的框架语言等)和破坏性主张或事实的发表(例如,过去的犯罪行为、供词等)的影响。法院认为,媒体的工作是必要的,以防止“通过使警察、检察官和司法程序受到广泛的公众监督和批评而导致司法不公”。因此,司法系统并没有规定媒体履行工作的标准,而是提供了一些程序保障,以确保嫌疑人得到公正的陪审员的审判。这些措施包括:将诉讼地点改为宣传力度较小的司法管辖区;延期,以便公众的关注及其影响有机会消退;进行密集的口头审查,以筛选出可能受到新闻报道影响的陪审员;以及使用简单而明确的司法指示,说明在审判中使用未提交的信息是不恰当的。在宣传广泛的情况下,法院不会对未能利用这些可用保护的被告作出有利的回应。在其他情况下,法院认为这些保障措施的实施足以保护被告免受审前宣传(即后来被称为PPP)的影响。参见Murphy v. Florida, 421
Y ITS OWN admission one of the most difficult questions the Supreme Court wrestles with is the ubiquitous conflict between a "free press" and a "fair trial" a conflict which the courts today still have problems resolving (i.e., while they are beginning to readmit cameras to the courtroom, they are allowing the exclusion of reporters from certain judicial proceedings).1 When addressing this conflict the Court generally looked at the time both prior to the empaneling of the jury, and during the trial itself. Although the Court is intolerant of agents that alter the tone of courtroom decorum in a way which precludes "a sober search for the truth," Estes v. Texas, 381 U.S. 532, 551 (1965), and in fact on at least three occasions reversed convictions of defendants who were victims of such poor courtroom management, Carroll v. Texas, 392 U.S. 644 (1968); Estes (1965); and Marshall v. U.S., 360 U.S. 310 (1959), this research is primarily concerned with the pre-trial stage. It is during this pre-trial stage that the Court performs a delicate balancing act between free press and a fair trial. The empaneling of an unbiased jury is vital to securing a fair trial: see Sheppard v. Maxwell, 384 U.S. 333, 362 (1966). Since most publicity describing events surrounding the crime occurs prior to the selection of jurors, exposure to such information may prejudice potential jurors a prejudice that may be impossible to overcome if the juror is then called to serve. The nature of this prejudice may be influenced by both the intensity and tone of the coverage (e.g., the extent of coverage, the language in which the descriptions are framed, etc.), and the publication of damaging claims or facts (e.g., past criminal behavior, confessions, etc.). The Court sees the media's job as necessary to guard "against the miscarriage of justice by subjecting the police, prosecutors, and judicial processes to extensive public scrutiny and criticism."2 Therefore, rather than dictate to the media standards for the performance of their jobs, the judicial system provides several procedural safeguards to insure that the suspect is provided with a fair trial by unbiased jurors. These include: a change of venue to a jurisdiction where the publicity has not been so intense; a continuance, so that the publicity and its effects will have a chance to subside; an intensive voir dire to screen out those jurors who may have been affected by the news accounts; and the employment of simple and explicit judicial instructions concerning the inappropriateness of using information not presented during the trial. Where publicity was extensive, the Court has not responded favorably to defendants who fail to utilize those available protections. On other occasions the Court has contended that the implementation of these safeguards was sufficient to protect the defendant from the impact of prejudicial pretrial publicity (i.e., subsequently referred to as PPP). See Murphy v. Florida, 421