海洋、岛屿、壁橱和气味:通过空间隐喻去殖民化

IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 CULTURAL STUDIES
P. Steinberg
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在非殖民化研究中,用非固定的地理形式来破坏静态的、有界的领土国家的自负和封闭的思维是非常流行的。《土地之外的领土》一书的目录——土地、空气、水、火、泥滩、洪泛平原、城市、冰、尸体、船只、海岸、海床——只是提出了一些空间形式,可以用来重新思考主权国家的空间。事实上,正如该卷的编辑所指出的那样,甚至这个清单也可以进一步扩大,以涵盖中介空间、人造空间或外行星空间。保罗·卡特(Paul Carter)将《非殖民化治理》(Decolonising Governance)直接放在这本著作中,认为这本书“对岛屿研究、海洋研究领域的发展做出了贡献,总的来说,对地球表面民族国家领土化的转变做出了贡献”。他特别关注群岛的非殖民化潜力,这是一系列批判性岛屿学者强调的空间形式,改写斯特拉特福德等人的话,是“拓扑复杂的,将差异刻入交流的核心,并可能从根本上重新思考联邦主义和世界主义的形式模式[…]一个不同于民族国家的创造性区域,围绕着对海洋的共同责任来定义,抵制简单的地图边界圈地,并重新定义岛屿之间的联系。”尽管卡特称赞群岛有可能破坏支撑中央集权的静态本体论,但他对这些岛屿学者如何部署这一概念持批评态度。部分问题仅仅是经验性的。并不是所有的群岛都是一样的,根据他们的大小,他们的岛屿的相对等效性,他们在世界各国的背景地位,一个群岛可能暗示一个非常不同的解放(或非解放)政治比另一个。另一个问题是,认识到群岛的“差异”很难保证这种“差异”将被用来重新思考传统上指导社会制度和过程的理解模式。卡特提到的一个很好的例子是《联合国海洋法公约》(UNCLOS)第四部分,该部分允许群岛国将岛屿之间的水域指定为“内水”,从而将一部分海洋重新配置为国家领土范围内的水域。这种将海洋作为内水的结合确实迫使规划者重新考虑假定的岛屿和海洋之间的划分,以及将前者(陆地、领土)作为发展领域和后者(水、非领土)作为两者之间的外部空间的相关特权。可以说,它也打乱了“静态岛屿的特殊性比喻”,突出了“流动的相互作用”
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Oceans, islands, closets and smells: decolonization through spatial metaphors
Thinking with non-solid geographic forms to undermine the conceits and closures of the static, bounded territorial state is all the rage in decolonization studies. The table of contents of the book Territory Beyond Terra – Earth, Air, Water, Fire, Mudflats, Floodplains, Cities, Ice, Bodies, Boats, Shores, Seabeds – suggests just some of the spatial forms that can be used to rethink the space of the sovereign state. Indeed, as the editors of that volume note, even that list could be stretched further, to cover mediated, manufactured or extra-planetary spaces. Paul Carter places Decolonising Governance squarely within this literature, identifying the book as ‘a contribution to the evolving field of island studies, ocean studies and, in general, the turn away from nation-state territorialisations of the Earth’s surface’. In particular, he focuses on the decolonizing potential of the archipelago, which a succession of critical island scholars has highlighted as a spatial form that, paraphrasing Stratford et al., is ‘topologically sophisticated, inscribes difference into the heart of communication and which models perhaps radically re-thought forms of federalism and cosmopolitanism [... ] a creative region unlike the nation state, defined relationally around shared responsibility for the ocean, resisting the simple enclosure of the cartographic boundary, [and] reconceptualising the connections between islands’. Even as Carter lauds the archipelago’s potential to undermine static ontologies that underpin statist power, he is critical of how these island scholars have deployed the concept. Part of the problem is simply empirical. Not all archipelagos are the same and, depending on their size, the relative equivalence of their islands, their contextual position in a world of states, one archipelago may suggest a very different liberatory (or non-liberatory) politics than another. Another problem is that recognizing the ‘difference’ of an archipelago hardly guarantees that this ‘difference’ will be used to rethink the modes of understanding that conventionally guide social institutions and processes. A good example here, referenced by Carter, is Part IV of the United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which permits archipelagic states to designate the water between islands as ‘internal waters’, thereby reconfiguring a portion of ocean as within the bounds of state territory. This incorporation of the ocean as internal waters does force planners to reconsider assumed divisions between islands and oceans as well as the related privileging of the former (land, territory) as the domain of development and the latter (water, non-territory) as the external space of the in-between. Arguably, it also dislocates ‘static island tropes of particularity’, foregrounding ‘fluid inter-
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