{"title":"评“亚洲央行的大数据”","authors":"Tsutomu Watanabe","doi":"10.1111/aepr.12383","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>My first comment is on why central banks have started using big data in the first place. Even before the Covid-19 pandemic, private financial institutions and investors extensively used big data, “alternative data” in their terminology, in predicting the future of stock prices. Central banks, including the Bank of Japan (BOJ), were concerned that with the rapid growth in the use of big data by the private sector, they would fall behind if it looked only at traditional data, and this was the driving force behind central banks' use of big data.</p><p>In 2020, as Covid-19 spread, the use of big data by the Fed, the BOJ, and other central banks accelerated even further. Here is what happened in Japan at that time. The Japanese government declared a state of emergency on April 7, 2020. In the Monthly Economic Report released on April 23, the Japanese government stated that “[t]he Japanese economy is getting worse rapidly in an extremely severe situation, due to the Novel Coronavirus” (<i>sic</i>).</p><p>What is important to note here is how this assessment was made. Normally, assessments in monthly reports are based on official government statistics. In this case, it is clear that the impact of Covid-19 on consumer spending, especially service spending, was pronounced, so the assessment in April last year should have been based on the “Family Income and Expenditure Survey” (FIES). However, this was not the case. The reason is simple: as of April 23, the latest information was for February 2020, which hardly reflected the impact of Covid-19.</p><p>Instead of the FIES data, the government used alternative (big) data. Specifically, in the April Monthly Report, expenditure figures calculated from credit card data (e.g., spending on eating out and spending at supermarkets) were included to show that an unprecedented sharp decline was occurring. Credit card spending figures had never been used in a monthly report before. The crisis thus suddenly provided an opportunity for the use of alternative data.</p><p>How will the use of alternative data by governments and central banks develop in the future? Once Covid-19 is under control, the need to rely on alternative data may diminish. Statistics, be they traditional or nontraditional, are a tool for responding to crises: In normal times, no one needs statistics and, in fact, no one pays much attention to them. However, once a crisis occurs, statistics are indispensable to obtain a real picture of the crisis. Since traditional data tend to be available too late to play a role in a crisis, we have no choice but to supplement traditional data with alternative data. Alternative data represent one of the means to deal with crises, and societies should make sure such data are available as part of their preparations for the next crisis.</p><p>Given the prospect that the use of alternative data by central banks will expand in the future, who is best placed to produce such data? This brings me to my second comment. There are two possibilities. The first is that central banks do everything themselves: they contact data holders, process the data, and make policies based on it. The second possibility is that central banks are involved only as users of alternative data compiled by the private sector.</p><p>Cornelli <i>et al</i>. (<span>2022</span>) seem to prefer the first possibility. Specifically, they state that it is desirable to reduce the dependence on private data service providers as much as possible because of high costs and the “significant legal and operational risks” of relying on them. However, many of the examples of alternative data use in Asian central banks cited by Cornelli <i>et al</i>. (<span>2022</span>) rely on data service providers such as Google. Even in the Japanese example given earlier, the government relied on alternative data provided by private companies.</p><p>If it is not practical for central banks to prepare an environment for alternative data on their own, they should seriously consider the second possibility: relying on the private sector. It is the private sector that holds the big data, not central banks or governments. It is also the private sector that is skilled in processing and analyzing big data. Based on this reality, central banks should start discussing how best to work with the private sector.</p><p>In doing so, as pointed out by Cornelli <i>et al</i>. (<span>2022</span>), it is necessary to pay sufficient attention to the protection of personal information and data ethics. In addition to these general matters, there are issues specific to central banks. The first of these is ensuring that data are provided on a sustainable basis. It is important to avoid a situation where data become unavailable due to changes in the business policies of private companies. The second is the need to deal appropriately with fraud by private data service providers. Central banks and governments will need to play a role in monitoring for and preventing such fraud. Further, countries will need to develop and coordinate rules for the handling of alternative data.</p>","PeriodicalId":45430,"journal":{"name":"Asian Economic Policy Review","volume":"17 2","pages":"270-271"},"PeriodicalIF":4.5000,"publicationDate":"2022-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aepr.12383","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Comment on “Big Data in Asian Central Banks”\",\"authors\":\"Tsutomu Watanabe\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/aepr.12383\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>My first comment is on why central banks have started using big data in the first place. Even before the Covid-19 pandemic, private financial institutions and investors extensively used big data, “alternative data” in their terminology, in predicting the future of stock prices. Central banks, including the Bank of Japan (BOJ), were concerned that with the rapid growth in the use of big data by the private sector, they would fall behind if it looked only at traditional data, and this was the driving force behind central banks' use of big data.</p><p>In 2020, as Covid-19 spread, the use of big data by the Fed, the BOJ, and other central banks accelerated even further. Here is what happened in Japan at that time. The Japanese government declared a state of emergency on April 7, 2020. In the Monthly Economic Report released on April 23, the Japanese government stated that “[t]he Japanese economy is getting worse rapidly in an extremely severe situation, due to the Novel Coronavirus” (<i>sic</i>).</p><p>What is important to note here is how this assessment was made. Normally, assessments in monthly reports are based on official government statistics. In this case, it is clear that the impact of Covid-19 on consumer spending, especially service spending, was pronounced, so the assessment in April last year should have been based on the “Family Income and Expenditure Survey” (FIES). However, this was not the case. The reason is simple: as of April 23, the latest information was for February 2020, which hardly reflected the impact of Covid-19.</p><p>Instead of the FIES data, the government used alternative (big) data. Specifically, in the April Monthly Report, expenditure figures calculated from credit card data (e.g., spending on eating out and spending at supermarkets) were included to show that an unprecedented sharp decline was occurring. Credit card spending figures had never been used in a monthly report before. The crisis thus suddenly provided an opportunity for the use of alternative data.</p><p>How will the use of alternative data by governments and central banks develop in the future? Once Covid-19 is under control, the need to rely on alternative data may diminish. Statistics, be they traditional or nontraditional, are a tool for responding to crises: In normal times, no one needs statistics and, in fact, no one pays much attention to them. However, once a crisis occurs, statistics are indispensable to obtain a real picture of the crisis. Since traditional data tend to be available too late to play a role in a crisis, we have no choice but to supplement traditional data with alternative data. Alternative data represent one of the means to deal with crises, and societies should make sure such data are available as part of their preparations for the next crisis.</p><p>Given the prospect that the use of alternative data by central banks will expand in the future, who is best placed to produce such data? This brings me to my second comment. There are two possibilities. The first is that central banks do everything themselves: they contact data holders, process the data, and make policies based on it. The second possibility is that central banks are involved only as users of alternative data compiled by the private sector.</p><p>Cornelli <i>et al</i>. (<span>2022</span>) seem to prefer the first possibility. Specifically, they state that it is desirable to reduce the dependence on private data service providers as much as possible because of high costs and the “significant legal and operational risks” of relying on them. However, many of the examples of alternative data use in Asian central banks cited by Cornelli <i>et al</i>. (<span>2022</span>) rely on data service providers such as Google. Even in the Japanese example given earlier, the government relied on alternative data provided by private companies.</p><p>If it is not practical for central banks to prepare an environment for alternative data on their own, they should seriously consider the second possibility: relying on the private sector. It is the private sector that holds the big data, not central banks or governments. It is also the private sector that is skilled in processing and analyzing big data. Based on this reality, central banks should start discussing how best to work with the private sector.</p><p>In doing so, as pointed out by Cornelli <i>et al</i>. (<span>2022</span>), it is necessary to pay sufficient attention to the protection of personal information and data ethics. In addition to these general matters, there are issues specific to central banks. The first of these is ensuring that data are provided on a sustainable basis. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
我的第一个评论是,为什么央行首先开始使用大数据。早在新冠肺炎大流行之前,民间金融机构和投资者就广泛使用大数据,即他们所说的“替代数据”,来预测未来的股价。包括日本银行(BOJ)在内的中央银行担心,随着私营部门对大数据使用的快速增长,如果只看传统数据,它们将会落后,这是中央银行使用大数据背后的推动力。2020年,随着Covid-19的传播,美联储、日本央行和其他央行对大数据的使用进一步加快。这是当时在日本发生的事情。日本政府于2020年4月7日宣布进入紧急状态。日本政府在4月23日发表的《经济月报》中表示:“受新型冠状病毒疫情影响,日本经济在极其严峻的形势下迅速恶化。”这里需要注意的是这个评估是如何进行的。通常情况下,月度报告中的评估是根据政府的官方统计数字。在这种情况下,新冠疫情对消费支出特别是服务支出的影响明显,因此去年4月的评估应该以“家庭收支调查”(FIES)为基础。然而,事实并非如此。原因很简单,截至4月23日,最新的信息是2020年2月,这很难反映新冠疫情的影响。政府没有使用FIES数据,而是使用了另一种(大)数据。具体来说,在4月份的月度报告中,根据信用卡数据计算的支出数据(例如,外出就餐和在超市消费)显示出前所未有的急剧下降。信用卡消费数据以前从未在月度报告中使用过。因此,危机突然为使用替代数据提供了机会。未来政府和中央银行对替代数据的使用将如何发展?一旦Covid-19得到控制,依赖替代数据的需求可能会减少。统计数据,无论是传统的还是非传统的,都是应对危机的工具:在正常时期,没有人需要统计数据,事实上,也没有人太关注统计数据。然而,一旦危机发生,要获得危机的真实情况,统计数据是必不可少的。由于传统数据往往出现得太晚,无法在危机中发挥作用,我们别无选择,只能用替代数据补充传统数据。替代数据是应对危机的手段之一,社会应确保提供此类数据,作为应对下一次危机的准备工作的一部分。考虑到未来央行对替代数据的使用将会扩大,谁最有资格提供此类数据?这就引出了我的第二条评论。有两种可能。首先,央行自己做所有的事情:他们联系数据持有者,处理数据,并根据数据制定政策。第二种可能性是,央行只是作为私人部门编制的替代数据的使用者参与其中。Cornelli等人(2022)似乎更倾向于第一种可能性。具体来说,他们指出,由于成本高,以及依赖私人数据服务提供商的“重大法律和运营风险”,尽可能减少对私人数据服务提供商的依赖是可取的。然而,Cornelli等人(2022)引用的许多亚洲央行替代数据使用的例子依赖于谷歌等数据服务提供商。即使在前面给出的日本例子中,政府也依赖于私营公司提供的替代数据。如果央行独自为替代数据准备一个环境是不现实的,它们应该认真考虑第二种可能性:依赖私营部门。掌握大数据的是私营部门,而不是央行或政府。私营部门也擅长处理和分析大数据。基于这一现实,各国央行应开始讨论如何最好地与私营部门合作。Cornelli et al.(2022)指出,要做到这一点,必须对个人信息的保护和数据伦理给予足够的重视。除了这些一般问题之外,还有一些中央银行特有的问题。首先是确保在可持续的基础上提供数据。重要的是要避免由于私有公司的业务策略更改而导致数据不可用的情况。第二是需要适当处理私人数据服务提供商的欺诈行为。中央银行和政府将需要在监督和防止此类欺诈方面发挥作用。此外,各国需要制定和协调处理替代数据的规则。
My first comment is on why central banks have started using big data in the first place. Even before the Covid-19 pandemic, private financial institutions and investors extensively used big data, “alternative data” in their terminology, in predicting the future of stock prices. Central banks, including the Bank of Japan (BOJ), were concerned that with the rapid growth in the use of big data by the private sector, they would fall behind if it looked only at traditional data, and this was the driving force behind central banks' use of big data.
In 2020, as Covid-19 spread, the use of big data by the Fed, the BOJ, and other central banks accelerated even further. Here is what happened in Japan at that time. The Japanese government declared a state of emergency on April 7, 2020. In the Monthly Economic Report released on April 23, the Japanese government stated that “[t]he Japanese economy is getting worse rapidly in an extremely severe situation, due to the Novel Coronavirus” (sic).
What is important to note here is how this assessment was made. Normally, assessments in monthly reports are based on official government statistics. In this case, it is clear that the impact of Covid-19 on consumer spending, especially service spending, was pronounced, so the assessment in April last year should have been based on the “Family Income and Expenditure Survey” (FIES). However, this was not the case. The reason is simple: as of April 23, the latest information was for February 2020, which hardly reflected the impact of Covid-19.
Instead of the FIES data, the government used alternative (big) data. Specifically, in the April Monthly Report, expenditure figures calculated from credit card data (e.g., spending on eating out and spending at supermarkets) were included to show that an unprecedented sharp decline was occurring. Credit card spending figures had never been used in a monthly report before. The crisis thus suddenly provided an opportunity for the use of alternative data.
How will the use of alternative data by governments and central banks develop in the future? Once Covid-19 is under control, the need to rely on alternative data may diminish. Statistics, be they traditional or nontraditional, are a tool for responding to crises: In normal times, no one needs statistics and, in fact, no one pays much attention to them. However, once a crisis occurs, statistics are indispensable to obtain a real picture of the crisis. Since traditional data tend to be available too late to play a role in a crisis, we have no choice but to supplement traditional data with alternative data. Alternative data represent one of the means to deal with crises, and societies should make sure such data are available as part of their preparations for the next crisis.
Given the prospect that the use of alternative data by central banks will expand in the future, who is best placed to produce such data? This brings me to my second comment. There are two possibilities. The first is that central banks do everything themselves: they contact data holders, process the data, and make policies based on it. The second possibility is that central banks are involved only as users of alternative data compiled by the private sector.
Cornelli et al. (2022) seem to prefer the first possibility. Specifically, they state that it is desirable to reduce the dependence on private data service providers as much as possible because of high costs and the “significant legal and operational risks” of relying on them. However, many of the examples of alternative data use in Asian central banks cited by Cornelli et al. (2022) rely on data service providers such as Google. Even in the Japanese example given earlier, the government relied on alternative data provided by private companies.
If it is not practical for central banks to prepare an environment for alternative data on their own, they should seriously consider the second possibility: relying on the private sector. It is the private sector that holds the big data, not central banks or governments. It is also the private sector that is skilled in processing and analyzing big data. Based on this reality, central banks should start discussing how best to work with the private sector.
In doing so, as pointed out by Cornelli et al. (2022), it is necessary to pay sufficient attention to the protection of personal information and data ethics. In addition to these general matters, there are issues specific to central banks. The first of these is ensuring that data are provided on a sustainable basis. It is important to avoid a situation where data become unavailable due to changes in the business policies of private companies. The second is the need to deal appropriately with fraud by private data service providers. Central banks and governments will need to play a role in monitoring for and preventing such fraud. Further, countries will need to develop and coordinate rules for the handling of alternative data.
期刊介绍:
The goal of the Asian Economic Policy Review is to become an intellectual voice on the current issues of international economics and economic policy, based on comprehensive and in-depth analyses, with a primary focus on Asia. Emphasis is placed on identifying key issues at the time - spanning international trade, international finance, the environment, energy, the integration of regional economies and other issues - in order to furnish ideas and proposals to contribute positively to the policy debate in the region.