别搬起石头砸自己的脚!这是一项关于收入再分配和投票的实验(实干任务)。

Natalia Jimenez Jimenez, E. Molis, Ángel Solano-García
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引用次数: 1

摘要

根据《2020年世界不平等数据库》,近几十年来,几乎所有国家的收入不平等都在加剧。然而,高收入者的最高税率在同一时期有所下降。这一经验证据似乎不支持基于Meltzer和Richard(1981)提出的中间选民定理的模型。为了阐明这一矛盾的证据,本文报告了一项实验室实验的结果,该实验调查了Meltzer-Richard均衡税率模型,在该模型中,个人面临着一项实际努力的任务,其中包括在工作场所的休闲。我们根据参与者在实验开始时在比赛中的表现,将他们分为高技能工人和低技能工人。他们对两种(高和低)外生税率进行投票,他们的税前收入是根据他们在实际任务中的表现和技能溢价决定的。我们发现,很大一部分低技能工人投票支持最低税率(即给他们最低收入的税率),尤其是在替代税率非常高的情况下。然而,在向受试者提供有关税收如何在收入再分配中运作的额外信息的处理中,这一比例显着降低。这一结果表明,缺乏关于税收在收入再分配中的作用的信息,可能是解释低收入选民反对收入再分配的反直觉投票行为的一个重要因素。我们也发现了一些支持,即向上流动的前景和税收对生产率的负面影响的信念使低收入选民支持低税率,特别是当替代税率非常高的时候。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Don’t shoot yourself in the foot! A (real-effort task) experiment on income redistribution and voting.
According to the World Inequality Database 2020, income inequality has increased in almost all countries in recent decades. Nevertheless, top tax rates on upper-income earners have declined during the same period. This empirical evidence seems not to support models based on the median voter theorem as the one proposed by Meltzer and Richard (1981). To shed some light on this contradictory evidence, this paper reports results from a laboratory experiment that investigates the Meltzer–Richard model of equilibrium tax rates in which individuals face a real-effort task that includes leisure at the work place. We classify participants into high-skilled and low-skilled workers, according to their performance in a tournament at the beginning of the experiment. They vote over two (high and low) exogenous tax rates and their pre-tax income is determined according to their performance in a real-effort task and also to the skill premium. We find that a large proportion of low-skilled workers vote for the lowest tax rate (the one that gives them the lowest payoff), especially when the alternative tax rate is very high. However, this proportion is significantly reduced in treatments in which the subjects are given extra information about how the tax operates in redistributing income. This result suggests that the lack of information about the role of taxes in income redistribution may be an important factor in explaining the counter-intuitive voting behavior of low-income voters over income redistribution. We also find some support that the prospect of upward mobility and the belief in the negative effect of taxes on productivity make low-income voters support low tax rates, especially when the alternative tax rate is very high.
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