土耳其正义与发展党(JDP)统治下的新奥斯曼主义转型(2002-2022):中亚矢量

IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY
T. Marmontova, M. Zhiyenbayev, E. Vaseneva
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引用次数: 0

摘要

介绍。本文描述了在土耳其正义与发展党(JDP)统治下(2002-2022)新奥斯曼主义转型的各个方面,重点是中亚局势。方法和材料。本文采用个案研究的方法,考察了2002年至2022年土耳其外交政策的中亚向量。分析。自苏联解体以来,填补中亚的政治权力空白一直是土耳其的主要外交政策利益之一。随着2002年正义与发展党(Justice and Development Party)的加入,国内政治转型重新激发了这种兴趣。构成JDP外交政策基础的新奥斯曼主义,一方面阐述了上个世纪的奥斯曼主义,另一方面反映了2013年后该国政治制度的变化,如执政政权的威权化和伊斯兰教的兴起作为巩固民意的工具。结果。因此,得出的结论是,在过去的二十年里,新奥斯曼主义代表了一种广泛的自由主义经济方式,它不仅对共同的奥斯曼过去和泛突厥情绪有吸引力,而且对现在的穆斯林也有吸引力。与此同时,土耳其与该地区的文化和宗教和解受到其战略经济利益的推动,对其而言,中亚是土耳其新的国际角色不可或缺的组成部分。因此,土耳其对中亚国家的政策反映了新奥斯曼话语转变的结果,这是该国不断变化的国内政治格局的产物,同时也揭示了它所包含的战略重点:成为地区中心和积极主动的地区大国。作者的贡献。T.V. Marmontova -准备文章的结构,方法和文献回顾,M.B. Zhiyenbayev -土耳其外交政策的“区域化”和中亚在泛突厥世界图片中的位置,E.A. Vaseneva -对2002-2022年土耳其正义与发展党政策的评估。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Transformation of Neo-Ottomanism Under Justice and Development Party (JDP) Rule in Turkey (2002–2022): The Central Asian Vector
Introduction. The paper describes aspects of the transformation of neo-Ottomanism under Justice and Development Party (JDP) rule in Turkey (2002–2022), with a focus on the situation in Central Asia. Methods and materials. The article employs the case study method and examines the Central Asian vector of Turkish foreign policy from 2002 to 2022. Analysis. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, filling the political power void in Central Asia has been one of Turkey’s key foreign policy interests. This interest was reinvigorated by the domestic political transformation in light of the accession of the Justice and Development Party in 2002. The neo-Ottomanism that formed the basis of JDP’s foreign policy, on the one hand, elaborated on the Ottomanism of the last century and, on the other hand, mirrored the changes in the political system of the country after 2013, such as the authoritarianization of the ruling regime and the rise of Islam as a tool for public support consolidation. Results. As a result, the conclusion was drawn that over the past twenty years, neo-Ottomanism has come to represent a broadly circumscribed liberal economic approach combined with an appeal not only to the common Ottoman past and pan-Turkic sentiments but also to the Muslim present. Meanwhile, Turkey’s cultural and religious rapprochement with the region is driven by its strategic economic interests, for which Central Asia is an integral component of Turkey’s new international role. Thus, Turkey’s policy towards Central Asian states reverberates the outcome of the transformation of the neo-Ottoman discourse as a product of the country’s changing domestic political landscape while shedding light on the strategic priorities it encompasses: becoming a regional hub and a proactive regional power. Authors’ contributions. T.V. Marmontova – preparation of the structure of the article, methodology, and review of literature, M.B. Zhiyenbayev – “Regionalization” of foreign policy of Turkey and the place of Central Asia in the pan-Turkic picture of the world, E.A. Vaseneva – assessment of the policy of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey in 2002–2022.
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