非货币工具对安全驾驶的效果如何?关于丹麦记过记分制度效果的小组数据证据

K. Abay
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In some countries, this point recording scheme is integrated with insurance premiums (see Dionne et al. 2013). Thus, the point recording scheme serves as incentive for safe driving by increasing the expected pecuniary cost in terms of forgone income associated with loss of driving privilege or through indirect costs on insurance premiums and license redemption. Although the implementation of the point recording system varies across countries, it is common that accumulating demerit points above some threshold in some specified period leads to revocation of the driving license. Therefore, the point recording scheme serves a dual purpose of incentivizing car users to drive carefully and incapacitating reckless drivers (see Bourgeon and Picard 2007). Denmark introduced the demerit point system (DPS) in September 2005. The point recording scheme in Denmark applies to different types of traffic violations and three demerit points in three years lead to conditional suspension of the driving license. While policy instruments such as fines and the point recording scheme have long been used, little is known about the effect of these instruments on inducing safe driving and improving public road safety. This is mainly because most of these instruments are endogenously introduced, a problem that saddles evaluation techniques with simultaneity and reverse causality problems. That is, areas with higher records of traffic violations (or accidents) are subject to higher levels of traffic enforcement. In the absence of longitudinal data, this problem can lead to misleading inferences on the effect of traffic (police) enforcement on driving behavior and public road safety. A few recent studies, including those of Bourgeon and Picard (2007) and Dionne et al. (2011), provide theoretical foundations on the efficacy of the point recording scheme. Bourgeon and Picard (2007) present a theoretical model that demonstrates the effectiveness of the point recording scheme in different scenarios. Dionne et al. (2011) extend Bourgeon and Picard’s (2007) model by linking the point recording scheme to insurance pricing, and provide some empirical evidence of moral hazard in public road safety. Despite their innovative approach to testing the prevalence of moral hazard in public road safety empirically, Dionne et al. (2011) do not simultaneously capture (or disentangle) unobserved heterogeneity and behavioral response (moral hazard) effects. This paper uses unusually rich longitudinal traffic offense data for Denmark to estimate the effect of non-monetary penalties based on point recording, on driving behavior. The longitudinal traffic offense data enable us to follow the driving behavior of individuals before and after the introduction of the point recording scheme in Denmark. This  study adds at least two novel contributions to the existing literature on punishment and deterrence: (a) we estimate the behavioral response of drivers to a non-monetary penalty based on demerit points using a detailed longitudinal data which enable us to explicitly disentangle behavioral response (moral hazard) and unobserved heterogeneity (selection) effects associated with different groups of drivers; (b) in addition to evaluating the effectiveness of non-monetary incentives for safe driving, this study estimates enormously heterogeneous response of drivers and highlights short-term as well as long-lasting impacts of non-monetary penalties. Our identification strategy exploits the longitudinal feature of the traffic offense data and uses standard difference-in-differences approach. We compare the driving behavior of individuals subjected to non-monetary penalties through demerit points (treatment group) with those drivers who are only subjected to monetary penalties (control group), before and after Denmark introduced the DPS. We exploit a specific rule introduced by the reform, which assigns speed offenders to one of two types of penalty based on a 30 percent speed threshold. Accordingly, drivers exceeding the speed limit by more than 30 percent are subject to a demerit point and a fine, whereas those exceeding the speed limit by less than (or equal to) 30 percent are subject to only the fine. Interestingly, this rule strengthens our identification strategy by providing some local randomization around the threshold. We measure individuals’ driving behavior using the frequency of traffic violations committed and the probability of committing a traffic offense in some specified period. We find that drivers exhibit substantial behavioral response to each demerit point assigned to their driving license by reducing their frequency of traffic offenses and their probability of committing a traffic offense. We also find that drivers’ effort, and hence response, increases with the number of demerit points accumulated. Depending on the number of points accumulated in the treatment period, affected drivers reduced their frequency of traffic offenses by 15–30 percent. Similarly, affected drivers reduced their likelihood of committing traffic violations by 11–20 percent. We also show that those drivers who are potentially more reliant on their car are more responsive to each demerit point assigned to their driving license. We find that the treatment effects are strong for those individuals who are self-employed and those who commute longer distances to their workplaces. Finally, while previous studies on the effect of monetary penalties for crimes and traffic offenses suggest that fines may be imposed differentially based on individuals’ income and wealth, our results show that non-monetary penalties based on demerit points affect even those with high incomes and wealth. Thus, our results hint that socially optimal non-monetary penalties may differ based on the expected cost and consequences of these penalties for different groups of drivers. More broadly, our findings assert that non-monetary instruments – penalties that could affect driving privilege – are effective in inducing safe driving. This has some important implications for designing deterrence, public road safety and insurance policies. We check the robustness of our results considering different specifications and allowing for enormously rich heterogeneity on the effect of the reform. We test the implication of our identifying assumption using a series of empirical exercises. More specifically, our identification strategy assumes that in the absence of the reform, the treatment and control group drivers would have exhibited similar (average) behavioral evolution (changes) in driving behavior. We believe that this assumption holds fairly well for the following reasons: (1) we find that treatment and control group drivers have statistically similar pre-treatment observable characteristics in terms of a large set of relevant variables. (2) Treatment and control group drivers exhibit similar pre-reform driving behavior. (3) Our placebo regressions indicate that treatment and control group drivers share a statistically identical pre-reform time trend in driving behavior. These placebo regression exercises also suggest that the demerit points assigned to driving license are potentially ineffective once they are no longer valid, an evidence that undermines the long-lasting effects of these penalties. These pieces of evidence suggest that our estimates can plausibly be interpreted as causal effects carrying behavioral response of drivers for each demerit point assigned to their driving license. References: Becker, Gary S. (1968). Crime and Punishment: An Economic Approach. Journal of Political Economy 76 (2), 169–217. Bourgeon, Jean-Marc, and  Pierre Picard (2007).Point-Record Driving License and Road Safety: An Economic Approach. Journal of Public Economics 91, 235–258. Dionne, Georges, Jean Pinquet, Mathieu Maurice, and Charles Vanasse (2011). Incentive Mechanisms for Safe Driving: A Comparative Analysis with Dynamic Data. The Review of Economics and Statistics , 93(1), 218-227. Polinsky, A. Mitchell, and Steven Shavell (1979). The Optimal Tradeoff between the Probability and Magnitude of Fines. 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Thus, the point recording scheme serves as incentive for safe driving by increasing the expected pecuniary cost in terms of forgone income associated with loss of driving privilege or through indirect costs on insurance premiums and license redemption. Although the implementation of the point recording system varies across countries, it is common that accumulating demerit points above some threshold in some specified period leads to revocation of the driving license. Therefore, the point recording scheme serves a dual purpose of incentivizing car users to drive carefully and incapacitating reckless drivers (see Bourgeon and Picard 2007). Denmark introduced the demerit point system (DPS) in September 2005. The point recording scheme in Denmark applies to different types of traffic violations and three demerit points in three years lead to conditional suspension of the driving license. While policy instruments such as fines and the point recording scheme have long been used, little is known about the effect of these instruments on inducing safe driving and improving public road safety. This is mainly because most of these instruments are endogenously introduced, a problem that saddles evaluation techniques with simultaneity and reverse causality problems. That is, areas with higher records of traffic violations (or accidents) are subject to higher levels of traffic enforcement. In the absence of longitudinal data, this problem can lead to misleading inferences on the effect of traffic (police) enforcement on driving behavior and public road safety. A few recent studies, including those of Bourgeon and Picard (2007) and Dionne et al. (2011), provide theoretical foundations on the efficacy of the point recording scheme. Bourgeon and Picard (2007) present a theoretical model that demonstrates the effectiveness of the point recording scheme in different scenarios. Dionne et al. (2011) extend Bourgeon and Picard’s (2007) model by linking the point recording scheme to insurance pricing, and provide some empirical evidence of moral hazard in public road safety. Despite their innovative approach to testing the prevalence of moral hazard in public road safety empirically, Dionne et al. (2011) do not simultaneously capture (or disentangle) unobserved heterogeneity and behavioral response (moral hazard) effects. This paper uses unusually rich longitudinal traffic offense data for Denmark to estimate the effect of non-monetary penalties based on point recording, on driving behavior. The longitudinal traffic offense data enable us to follow the driving behavior of individuals before and after the introduction of the point recording scheme in Denmark. This  study adds at least two novel contributions to the existing literature on punishment and deterrence: (a) we estimate the behavioral response of drivers to a non-monetary penalty based on demerit points using a detailed longitudinal data which enable us to explicitly disentangle behavioral response (moral hazard) and unobserved heterogeneity (selection) effects associated with different groups of drivers; (b) in addition to evaluating the effectiveness of non-monetary incentives for safe driving, this study estimates enormously heterogeneous response of drivers and highlights short-term as well as long-lasting impacts of non-monetary penalties. Our identification strategy exploits the longitudinal feature of the traffic offense data and uses standard difference-in-differences approach. We compare the driving behavior of individuals subjected to non-monetary penalties through demerit points (treatment group) with those drivers who are only subjected to monetary penalties (control group), before and after Denmark introduced the DPS. We exploit a specific rule introduced by the reform, which assigns speed offenders to one of two types of penalty based on a 30 percent speed threshold. Accordingly, drivers exceeding the speed limit by more than 30 percent are subject to a demerit point and a fine, whereas those exceeding the speed limit by less than (or equal to) 30 percent are subject to only the fine. Interestingly, this rule strengthens our identification strategy by providing some local randomization around the threshold. We measure individuals’ driving behavior using the frequency of traffic violations committed and the probability of committing a traffic offense in some specified period. We find that drivers exhibit substantial behavioral response to each demerit point assigned to their driving license by reducing their frequency of traffic offenses and their probability of committing a traffic offense. We also find that drivers’ effort, and hence response, increases with the number of demerit points accumulated. Depending on the number of points accumulated in the treatment period, affected drivers reduced their frequency of traffic offenses by 15–30 percent. Similarly, affected drivers reduced their likelihood of committing traffic violations by 11–20 percent. We also show that those drivers who are potentially more reliant on their car are more responsive to each demerit point assigned to their driving license. We find that the treatment effects are strong for those individuals who are self-employed and those who commute longer distances to their workplaces. Finally, while previous studies on the effect of monetary penalties for crimes and traffic offenses suggest that fines may be imposed differentially based on individuals’ income and wealth, our results show that non-monetary penalties based on demerit points affect even those with high incomes and wealth. Thus, our results hint that socially optimal non-monetary penalties may differ based on the expected cost and consequences of these penalties for different groups of drivers. More broadly, our findings assert that non-monetary instruments – penalties that could affect driving privilege – are effective in inducing safe driving. This has some important implications for designing deterrence, public road safety and insurance policies. We check the robustness of our results considering different specifications and allowing for enormously rich heterogeneity on the effect of the reform. We test the implication of our identifying assumption using a series of empirical exercises. More specifically, our identification strategy assumes that in the absence of the reform, the treatment and control group drivers would have exhibited similar (average) behavioral evolution (changes) in driving behavior. We believe that this assumption holds fairly well for the following reasons: (1) we find that treatment and control group drivers have statistically similar pre-treatment observable characteristics in terms of a large set of relevant variables. (2) Treatment and control group drivers exhibit similar pre-reform driving behavior. (3) Our placebo regressions indicate that treatment and control group drivers share a statistically identical pre-reform time trend in driving behavior. These placebo regression exercises also suggest that the demerit points assigned to driving license are potentially ineffective once they are no longer valid, an evidence that undermines the long-lasting effects of these penalties. 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引用次数: 13

摘要

驾驶行为在引发交通事故中起着核心作用。因此,影响个人的驾驶行为仍然是全球决策者的首要任务。标准的经济和威慑理论预测,理性的司机会对增加交通违规预期成本的政策工具(或改革)做出反应(见Becker 1968;Polinksy and Shavell 1979)。根据这一理由,货币和非货币处罚通常被用作确保公共道路安全的关键手段。最常见的货币手段包括交通罚单(罚款),而基于积分记录的吊销驾驶执照是最近出现的一种安全驾驶的非货币手段。许多发达国家现在对违反交通规则的司机使用记分系统。在一些国家,这一点位记录方案与保险费相结合(见Dionne et al. 2013)。因此,积分记录制度通过增加与失去驾驶特权相关的收入的预期金钱成本或通过保险费和执照赎回的间接成本来激励安全驾驶。虽然各国的记分制度不尽相同,但在一定时间内积分数超过某一阈值将导致吊销驾驶执照的情况很常见。因此,积分记录方案具有双重目的,即激励汽车用户小心驾驶,并使鲁莽的司机丧失驾驶能力(见Bourgeon和Picard 2007)。丹麦在2005年9月引入了记分制度(DPS)。丹麦的记分制度适用于不同类型的交通违规行为,三年内扣三分将被有条件吊销驾驶执照。虽然长期以来一直使用罚款和记分计划等政策工具,但人们对这些工具在诱导安全驾驶和改善公共道路安全方面的作用知之甚少。这主要是因为大多数这些工具都是内源性引入的,这一问题使评估技术面临同时性和反向因果关系问题。也就是说,交通违规(或事故)记录较高的地区受到更高水平的交通执法。在缺乏纵向数据的情况下,这个问题可能导致对交通(警察)执法对驾驶行为和公共道路安全的影响的误导性推论。最近的一些研究,包括Bourgeon和Picard(2007)和Dionne等人(2011)的研究,为点记录方案的有效性提供了理论基础。Bourgeon和Picard(2007)提出了一个理论模型,证明了在不同情况下点记录方案的有效性。Dionne等人(2011)扩展了Bourgeon和Picard(2007)的模型,将点位记录方案与保险定价联系起来,并提供了公共道路安全中道德风险的一些经验证据。尽管Dionne等人(2011)采用了创新的方法,以经验检验公共道路安全中道德风险的普遍性,但他们并没有同时捕捉(或解开)未观察到的异质性和行为反应(道德风险)效应。本文使用丹麦异常丰富的纵向交通违法数据来估计基于记分的非金钱处罚对驾驶行为的影响。纵向交通违法数据使我们能够跟踪丹麦引入记分制度前后个人的驾驶行为。本研究为现有的惩罚和威慑文献增加了至少两个新颖的贡献:(a)我们使用详细的纵向数据,基于记过点估计驾驶员对非金钱处罚的行为反应,这使我们能够明确地区分不同驾驶员群体的行为反应(道德风险)和未观察到的异质性(选择)效应;(b)除了评估非金钱激励对安全驾驶的有效性外,本研究还估计了司机的巨大异质性反应,并强调了非金钱惩罚的短期和长期影响。我们的识别策略利用交通违规数据的纵向特征,并使用标准的差中差方法。我们比较了在丹麦引入DPS之前和之后,通过扣分受到非金钱惩罚的个人(治疗组)和那些只受到金钱惩罚的司机(对照组)的驾驶行为。我们利用了改革引入的一项具体规则,该规则根据30%的速度阈值对超速违规者进行两种处罚之一。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
How Effective are Non‐Monetary Instruments for Safe Driving? Panel Data Evidence on the Effect of the Demerit Point System in Denmark
Extended Abstract: Driving behavior plays a central role in instigating traffic accidents. Hence, affecting the driving behavior of individuals remains a top priority for policy makers around the globe. Standard economic and deterrence theory predicts that rational drivers will respond to policy instruments (or reforms) that increase the expected cost of committing traffic violations (see Becker 1968; Polinksy and Shavell 1979). Following this justification, both monetary and non-monetary penalties are commonly used as key instruments to ensure public road safety. The most common monetary instruments involve traffic tickets (fines), whereas driving license revocation based on point recording is a recently emerging non-monetary instrument for safe driving. Many developed countries now use a point recording system for drivers violating traffic rules. In some countries, this point recording scheme is integrated with insurance premiums (see Dionne et al. 2013). Thus, the point recording scheme serves as incentive for safe driving by increasing the expected pecuniary cost in terms of forgone income associated with loss of driving privilege or through indirect costs on insurance premiums and license redemption. Although the implementation of the point recording system varies across countries, it is common that accumulating demerit points above some threshold in some specified period leads to revocation of the driving license. Therefore, the point recording scheme serves a dual purpose of incentivizing car users to drive carefully and incapacitating reckless drivers (see Bourgeon and Picard 2007). Denmark introduced the demerit point system (DPS) in September 2005. The point recording scheme in Denmark applies to different types of traffic violations and three demerit points in three years lead to conditional suspension of the driving license. While policy instruments such as fines and the point recording scheme have long been used, little is known about the effect of these instruments on inducing safe driving and improving public road safety. This is mainly because most of these instruments are endogenously introduced, a problem that saddles evaluation techniques with simultaneity and reverse causality problems. That is, areas with higher records of traffic violations (or accidents) are subject to higher levels of traffic enforcement. In the absence of longitudinal data, this problem can lead to misleading inferences on the effect of traffic (police) enforcement on driving behavior and public road safety. A few recent studies, including those of Bourgeon and Picard (2007) and Dionne et al. (2011), provide theoretical foundations on the efficacy of the point recording scheme. Bourgeon and Picard (2007) present a theoretical model that demonstrates the effectiveness of the point recording scheme in different scenarios. Dionne et al. (2011) extend Bourgeon and Picard’s (2007) model by linking the point recording scheme to insurance pricing, and provide some empirical evidence of moral hazard in public road safety. Despite their innovative approach to testing the prevalence of moral hazard in public road safety empirically, Dionne et al. (2011) do not simultaneously capture (or disentangle) unobserved heterogeneity and behavioral response (moral hazard) effects. This paper uses unusually rich longitudinal traffic offense data for Denmark to estimate the effect of non-monetary penalties based on point recording, on driving behavior. The longitudinal traffic offense data enable us to follow the driving behavior of individuals before and after the introduction of the point recording scheme in Denmark. This  study adds at least two novel contributions to the existing literature on punishment and deterrence: (a) we estimate the behavioral response of drivers to a non-monetary penalty based on demerit points using a detailed longitudinal data which enable us to explicitly disentangle behavioral response (moral hazard) and unobserved heterogeneity (selection) effects associated with different groups of drivers; (b) in addition to evaluating the effectiveness of non-monetary incentives for safe driving, this study estimates enormously heterogeneous response of drivers and highlights short-term as well as long-lasting impacts of non-monetary penalties. Our identification strategy exploits the longitudinal feature of the traffic offense data and uses standard difference-in-differences approach. We compare the driving behavior of individuals subjected to non-monetary penalties through demerit points (treatment group) with those drivers who are only subjected to monetary penalties (control group), before and after Denmark introduced the DPS. We exploit a specific rule introduced by the reform, which assigns speed offenders to one of two types of penalty based on a 30 percent speed threshold. Accordingly, drivers exceeding the speed limit by more than 30 percent are subject to a demerit point and a fine, whereas those exceeding the speed limit by less than (or equal to) 30 percent are subject to only the fine. Interestingly, this rule strengthens our identification strategy by providing some local randomization around the threshold. We measure individuals’ driving behavior using the frequency of traffic violations committed and the probability of committing a traffic offense in some specified period. We find that drivers exhibit substantial behavioral response to each demerit point assigned to their driving license by reducing their frequency of traffic offenses and their probability of committing a traffic offense. We also find that drivers’ effort, and hence response, increases with the number of demerit points accumulated. Depending on the number of points accumulated in the treatment period, affected drivers reduced their frequency of traffic offenses by 15–30 percent. Similarly, affected drivers reduced their likelihood of committing traffic violations by 11–20 percent. We also show that those drivers who are potentially more reliant on their car are more responsive to each demerit point assigned to their driving license. We find that the treatment effects are strong for those individuals who are self-employed and those who commute longer distances to their workplaces. Finally, while previous studies on the effect of monetary penalties for crimes and traffic offenses suggest that fines may be imposed differentially based on individuals’ income and wealth, our results show that non-monetary penalties based on demerit points affect even those with high incomes and wealth. Thus, our results hint that socially optimal non-monetary penalties may differ based on the expected cost and consequences of these penalties for different groups of drivers. More broadly, our findings assert that non-monetary instruments – penalties that could affect driving privilege – are effective in inducing safe driving. This has some important implications for designing deterrence, public road safety and insurance policies. We check the robustness of our results considering different specifications and allowing for enormously rich heterogeneity on the effect of the reform. We test the implication of our identifying assumption using a series of empirical exercises. More specifically, our identification strategy assumes that in the absence of the reform, the treatment and control group drivers would have exhibited similar (average) behavioral evolution (changes) in driving behavior. We believe that this assumption holds fairly well for the following reasons: (1) we find that treatment and control group drivers have statistically similar pre-treatment observable characteristics in terms of a large set of relevant variables. (2) Treatment and control group drivers exhibit similar pre-reform driving behavior. (3) Our placebo regressions indicate that treatment and control group drivers share a statistically identical pre-reform time trend in driving behavior. These placebo regression exercises also suggest that the demerit points assigned to driving license are potentially ineffective once they are no longer valid, an evidence that undermines the long-lasting effects of these penalties. These pieces of evidence suggest that our estimates can plausibly be interpreted as causal effects carrying behavioral response of drivers for each demerit point assigned to their driving license. References: Becker, Gary S. (1968). Crime and Punishment: An Economic Approach. Journal of Political Economy 76 (2), 169–217. Bourgeon, Jean-Marc, and  Pierre Picard (2007).Point-Record Driving License and Road Safety: An Economic Approach. Journal of Public Economics 91, 235–258. Dionne, Georges, Jean Pinquet, Mathieu Maurice, and Charles Vanasse (2011). Incentive Mechanisms for Safe Driving: A Comparative Analysis with Dynamic Data. The Review of Economics and Statistics , 93(1), 218-227. Polinsky, A. Mitchell, and Steven Shavell (1979). The Optimal Tradeoff between the Probability and Magnitude of Fines. American Economic Review 69 (5), 880–891.
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