{"title":"威慑的本质","authors":"C. Weinberger","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1985.0022","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"During the past four years the Reagan administration has been building on the enduring strengths of our national character to revitalize America's global leadership, national morale, economic strength, and military power. In his second term President Ronald Reagan will address pressing national security questions and will consider new directions in policy. Now is an appropriate time to assess the lessons of the previous four years and, where necessary, adjust the course for the next four. In our free society national security issues are debated by the people. These debates contrast markedly with Soviet society, where the principal policy objective is to preserve the state's totalitarian power and where the decisions are made by a small ruling elite. Because free discussion is essential in a democracy, I have entered the public debate concerning defense issues. I traveled to England to debate the issue of deterrence at the Oxford Union and have participated in several discussions on U.S. national television. I conferred with the National Conference of Catholic Bishops as they deliberated on their pastoral letter on war and peace, responding later to the major points in that document in a talk at Fordham University. Because there are parallels between many of the bishops' principles and our nation's policy, a review of the bishops' arguments is instructive. Our national policy and the bishops' letter are both based on a \"presumption in favor of peace and against war.\" Together we reject offensive war; together we acknowledge that all nations have \"a right and even a duty to","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
在过去的四年里,里根政府一直在建立我们民族性格的持久优势,以重振美国的全球领导地位、国家士气、经济实力和军事实力。罗纳德·里根总统在他的第二个任期内将处理紧迫的国家安全问题,并考虑新的政策方向。现在是评估过去四年的教训,并在必要时调整未来四年路线的适当时机。在我们的自由社会,国家安全问题由人民讨论。这些辩论与苏联社会形成鲜明对比,苏联社会的主要政策目标是维护国家的极权主义权力,决策是由一小部分统治精英做出的。因为自由讨论在民主中是必不可少的,所以我参加了有关国防问题的公开辩论。我曾前往英国,在牛津联盟(Oxford Union)就威慑问题进行辩论,并在美国国家电视台上参加了几次讨论。当全国天主教主教会议(National Conference of Catholic Bishops)审议他们关于战争与和平的牧函时,我与他们进行了磋商,后来在福特汉姆大学(Fordham University)的一次演讲中,我回应了那份文件中的主要观点。由于主教们的许多原则与我们国家的政策有相似之处,对主教们的论点进行回顾是有益的。我们的国家政策和主教们的信都是基于“支持和平反对战争的假设”。我们一起反对进攻性战争;我们共同承认,所有国家都“有权利,甚至有义务……
During the past four years the Reagan administration has been building on the enduring strengths of our national character to revitalize America's global leadership, national morale, economic strength, and military power. In his second term President Ronald Reagan will address pressing national security questions and will consider new directions in policy. Now is an appropriate time to assess the lessons of the previous four years and, where necessary, adjust the course for the next four. In our free society national security issues are debated by the people. These debates contrast markedly with Soviet society, where the principal policy objective is to preserve the state's totalitarian power and where the decisions are made by a small ruling elite. Because free discussion is essential in a democracy, I have entered the public debate concerning defense issues. I traveled to England to debate the issue of deterrence at the Oxford Union and have participated in several discussions on U.S. national television. I conferred with the National Conference of Catholic Bishops as they deliberated on their pastoral letter on war and peace, responding later to the major points in that document in a talk at Fordham University. Because there are parallels between many of the bishops' principles and our nation's policy, a review of the bishops' arguments is instructive. Our national policy and the bishops' letter are both based on a "presumption in favor of peace and against war." Together we reject offensive war; together we acknowledge that all nations have "a right and even a duty to