仇恨言论的危害

Q2 Arts and Humanities
Lane Wilkinson
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In West Point, at the funeral of General Norman Schwarzkopf, church members protested the military's decision of \"letting fags openly taut [sic] their perversion in the military.\"1 Later that same day, upriver in Poughkeepsie, the same group picketed at Vassar College on the grounds that the elite school was a \"filthy institution ... wholly given over to the fag agenda.\"2 Replete with homophobic slurs emblazoned across picket signs and outnumbered by the angered cries of counter-protestors, the Westboro Baptist trip through the mid-Hudson region was virtually indistinguishable from similar hate-filled events turned back by loud opposition. By day's end, church members were retreating back to Kansas and Vassar students had raised over $100,000 for the Trevor Project, an organization providing suicide prevention services for gay, lesbian, and transgendered teens (Staino, 2013).Just to the north, in Ottawa, Ontario, something quite different was transpiring as the Supreme Court of Canada issued a ruling in the matter of Saskatchewan v. Whatcott. Incensed by the Saskatoon Public School Board's decision to promote a \"less homophobic environment for students\" (Sodomites & lesbians, 2001 ). William Whatcott took to distributing anti-LGBT pamphlets claiming, among other things, that \"[o]ur children will pay the price in disease, death, abuse and ultimately eternal judgement [sic] if we do not say no to the sodomite desire to socialize your children into accepting something that is clearly wrong\" (Saskatchewan v. Whatcott, 2012). On February 27, just as Westboro Baptist vans were caravanning through the Catskills some 350 miles away, the Ottawa court upheld in part the right of the Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission to levy punitive fines of $17,500 (CAD) against Whatcott, arguing that \"the protection of vulnerable groups from the harmful effect emanating from hate speech is of such importance as to justify the minimal infringement of expression.\"Neither William Whatcott nor the members of the Westboro Baptist Church are shy about their desires to vilify non-heterosexual relationships. Indeed, their respective pamphlets and placards are largely interchangeable. Yet while the money raised for the Trevor Project was certainly impressive, the Hudson Valley protests and counter-protests themselves were largely unremarkable and scarcely covered in the American media. Whatcott's case, on the other hand, was a cause celebre in Canada and a ringing victory for hate speech legislation. How is it that these two countries-so similar in cultural, political, and moral outlook-can differ so radically on hate speech?It is precisely this problem that motivates Jeremy Waldron's Harm in Hate Speech: Why is it that the United States is alone among Western, liberal democracies in tolerating hate speech? By and large, Western, liberal democracies have embraced the moral and legal necessity of hate speech legislation. Across Europe, as well as in many former European colonies, laws have been enacted to prohibit public speech that incites hatred, intimidates, or otherwise threatens or insults groups or individuals on the basis of race, ethnic origin, sexual orientation, religion, or other traits. Yet, not only has the United States avoided implementing similar legislation, but most hate speech has been classed as constitutionally protected. Indeed, outside of \"the lewd and obscene, the profane, the libelous, and the insulting or 'fighting' words\" (Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 1942), public speech in the United States is both unregulated and constitutionally protected under the First Amendment. To Waldron, the uniquely American tolerance of hate speech is both a moral and a political failing and The Harm in Hate Speech is his attempt at providing a sustained argument to the effect that laws prohibiting hate speech are not just beneficial but are vital to a well-functioning society. …","PeriodicalId":39913,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Ethics","volume":"23 1","pages":"86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Harm in Hate Speech\",\"authors\":\"Lane Wilkinson\",\"doi\":\"10.5860/choice.50-2361\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The Harm in Hate Speech Jeremy Waldron. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

仇恨言论的危害杰瑞米·沃尔德伦。剑桥:哈佛,2012。2013年2月28日,威斯特布路浸信会的示威者来到纽约宁静的哈德逊山谷,传播他们独特的仇恨信息。在西点军校,在诺曼·施瓦茨科普夫将军的葬礼上,教会成员抗议军方的决定,“让军旗公开展示他们在军队中的变态行为。”同一天晚些时候,在波基普西河的上游,同一群人在瓦萨学院(Vassar College)举行纠察,理由是这所精英学校是一个“肮脏的机构……全身心投入到同性恋议程中去。2 .警戒线上写满了恐同的辱骂,反抗议者的愤怒呼声也超过了他们,威斯特布路浸信会在哈德逊中部地区的行程,与类似的充满仇恨的活动几乎没有什么区别,这些活动被大声的反对所阻止。一天结束时,教会成员撤退回堪萨斯,瓦萨大学的学生为特雷弗项目筹集了超过10万美元,这是一个为男女同性恋和变性青少年提供自杀预防服务的组织(Staino, 2013)。就在北边,在安大略省的渥太华,加拿大最高法院对萨斯喀彻温省诉沃科特一案做出了裁决,发生了完全不同的事情。被萨斯卡通公立学校董事会决定促进“为学生提供一个不那么恐同的环境”所激怒(Sodomites & lesbians, 2001)。William Whatcott开始散发反lgbt的小册子,其中声称,“如果我们不对鸡奸癖的欲望说不,让你的孩子接受一些明显错误的东西,我们的孩子将付出疾病、死亡、虐待和最终永恒的审判[sic]的代价”(Saskatchewan诉Whatcott, 2012)。2月27日,就在威斯特布路浸信会的货车在350英里外的卡茨基尔大篷车行进时,渥太华法院在一定程度上支持了萨斯喀彻温省人权委员会对Whatcott征收17,500美元(加元)惩罚性罚款的权利,认为“保护弱势群体免受仇恨言论产生的有害影响是如此重要,以至于证明对言论的最小侵犯是正当的。”威廉·沃科特和威斯特布路浸信会的成员都不羞于表达他们诋毁非异性恋关系的愿望。事实上,他们各自的小册子和标语牌在很大程度上是可以互换的。然而,虽然为特雷弗项目筹集的资金确实令人印象深刻,但哈德逊河谷的抗议活动和反抗议活动本身在很大程度上并不引人注目,美国媒体几乎没有报道过。另一方面,沃科特的案件在加拿大引起了轰动,也是仇恨言论立法的一次重大胜利。这两个在文化、政治和道德观上如此相似的国家,在仇恨言论上怎么会有如此大的差异呢?正是这个问题激发了杰里米·沃尔德伦的《仇恨言论的危害》一书:为什么在西方自由民主国家中,美国是唯一一个容忍仇恨言论的国家?总的来说,西方的自由民主国家已经接受了仇恨言论立法的道德和法律必要性。在整个欧洲,以及许多前欧洲殖民地,都颁布了法律,禁止基于种族、民族血统、性取向、宗教或其他特征煽动仇恨、恐吓或以其他方式威胁或侮辱团体或个人的公共言论。然而,美国不仅没有实施类似的立法,而且大多数仇恨言论都被列为受宪法保护的言论。事实上,在“淫乱、淫秽、亵渎、诽谤、侮辱性或‘好斗’的词语”(查普林斯基诉新罕布什尔州案,1942)之外,美国的公共言论既不受管制,又受到宪法第一修正案的保护。对沃尔德伦来说,美国人对仇恨言论的独特容忍既是道德上的,也是政治上的失败。《仇恨言论的危害》是他试图提供一个持续的论点,即禁止仇恨言论的法律不仅有益,而且对一个运转良好的社会至关重要。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Harm in Hate Speech
The Harm in Hate Speech Jeremy Waldron. Cambridge: Harvard, 2012. 292 pp. $26.95On February 28, 2013, demonstrators from the Westboro Baptist Church descended into New York's tranquil Hudson Valley to spread their singular message of hate. In West Point, at the funeral of General Norman Schwarzkopf, church members protested the military's decision of "letting fags openly taut [sic] their perversion in the military."1 Later that same day, upriver in Poughkeepsie, the same group picketed at Vassar College on the grounds that the elite school was a "filthy institution ... wholly given over to the fag agenda."2 Replete with homophobic slurs emblazoned across picket signs and outnumbered by the angered cries of counter-protestors, the Westboro Baptist trip through the mid-Hudson region was virtually indistinguishable from similar hate-filled events turned back by loud opposition. By day's end, church members were retreating back to Kansas and Vassar students had raised over $100,000 for the Trevor Project, an organization providing suicide prevention services for gay, lesbian, and transgendered teens (Staino, 2013).Just to the north, in Ottawa, Ontario, something quite different was transpiring as the Supreme Court of Canada issued a ruling in the matter of Saskatchewan v. Whatcott. Incensed by the Saskatoon Public School Board's decision to promote a "less homophobic environment for students" (Sodomites & lesbians, 2001 ). William Whatcott took to distributing anti-LGBT pamphlets claiming, among other things, that "[o]ur children will pay the price in disease, death, abuse and ultimately eternal judgement [sic] if we do not say no to the sodomite desire to socialize your children into accepting something that is clearly wrong" (Saskatchewan v. Whatcott, 2012). On February 27, just as Westboro Baptist vans were caravanning through the Catskills some 350 miles away, the Ottawa court upheld in part the right of the Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission to levy punitive fines of $17,500 (CAD) against Whatcott, arguing that "the protection of vulnerable groups from the harmful effect emanating from hate speech is of such importance as to justify the minimal infringement of expression."Neither William Whatcott nor the members of the Westboro Baptist Church are shy about their desires to vilify non-heterosexual relationships. Indeed, their respective pamphlets and placards are largely interchangeable. Yet while the money raised for the Trevor Project was certainly impressive, the Hudson Valley protests and counter-protests themselves were largely unremarkable and scarcely covered in the American media. Whatcott's case, on the other hand, was a cause celebre in Canada and a ringing victory for hate speech legislation. How is it that these two countries-so similar in cultural, political, and moral outlook-can differ so radically on hate speech?It is precisely this problem that motivates Jeremy Waldron's Harm in Hate Speech: Why is it that the United States is alone among Western, liberal democracies in tolerating hate speech? By and large, Western, liberal democracies have embraced the moral and legal necessity of hate speech legislation. Across Europe, as well as in many former European colonies, laws have been enacted to prohibit public speech that incites hatred, intimidates, or otherwise threatens or insults groups or individuals on the basis of race, ethnic origin, sexual orientation, religion, or other traits. Yet, not only has the United States avoided implementing similar legislation, but most hate speech has been classed as constitutionally protected. Indeed, outside of "the lewd and obscene, the profane, the libelous, and the insulting or 'fighting' words" (Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 1942), public speech in the United States is both unregulated and constitutionally protected under the First Amendment. To Waldron, the uniquely American tolerance of hate speech is both a moral and a political failing and The Harm in Hate Speech is his attempt at providing a sustained argument to the effect that laws prohibiting hate speech are not just beneficial but are vital to a well-functioning society. …
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Journal of Information Ethics
Journal of Information Ethics Arts and Humanities-Philosophy
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