安东尼·伯恩斯的审判:爱默生笔下波士顿的自由与奴役

J. Tager
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引用次数: 9

摘要

安东尼·伯恩斯的审判:爱默生笔下波士顿的自由与奴役。阿尔伯特·冯·弗兰克著。剑桥,马萨诸塞州,1998年。(哈佛大学出版社,马萨诸塞州剑桥花园街79号02138)。27.95美元。1854年,爱默生在他的日记中写道:“不要问,它符合宪法吗?问:“这是对的吗?”这个概念在冯·弗兰克关于1854年5月逃亡奴隶安东尼·伯恩斯的审判和引渡的引人入胜的新书中至关重要。在书中,他将激进废奴主义者的行动与新英格兰主要先验主义思想家的思想融合在一起。作者描述了波士顿文化史上的关键时刻,当时发生了一场思想革命,将一个严重分裂的社区转变为一个大多数人支持反奴隶制的社区。在这一文化高潮发生之前,发生了许多事情。波士顿一小群废奴主义者早期成功地解放了逃亡者,如威廉和艾伦·克拉夫特(1850年)和沙德拉奇·明金斯(1851年),导致了政府的抵抗和托马斯·西姆斯(1851年)的解放失败。《逃亡奴隶法案》和《堪萨斯-内布拉斯加法案》的通过,为新英格兰地区重新调整社区对奴隶制的反应做好了准备。正是伯恩斯一案点燃了动员波士顿和马萨诸塞州反对奴隶制的星星之火。在伯恩斯一案中,武装袭击释放在押逃犯的行动失败,法律上的长谈也未能阻止他被引渡。冯·弗兰克提出了一个微妙而复杂的论点,展示了爱默生和梭罗关于个人责任、道德善良和对进步的信仰的先验思想如何与加里森和其他废奴主义者的“高等法律”学说结合在一起,形成了一场“反奴隶制革命”,这场革命将美国推向了内战。被爱默生称为“肮脏的立法”的《逃奴隶法》和伯恩斯案,为爱默生的良心观和导致这场“口袋革命”的“不公正和邪恶”的法律之间的对抗创造了条件。真正的民主主义者爱默生认为法律是“可模仿的,一切都是可改变的”,真正的权威属于人民。一个人必须反对《逃奴法》,因为它违背了他的良心。梭罗在他的反奴隶制作品《公民不服从》中回应了这种更高层次的法律情感:“在一个不公正地监禁任何人的政府之下,正义之人的真正去处也是监狱。”正是伯恩斯的案例使先验论者认识到,如果马萨诸塞人民执行这项法律,他们将成为奴隶权力的帮犯。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Trials of Anthony Burns: Freedom and Slavery in Emerson's Boston
The Trials of Anthony Burns: Freedom and Slavery in Emerson's Boston. By Albert J. von Frank. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1998. (Harvard University Press, 79 Garden Street, Cambridge, MA 02138). $27.95. In 1854, Emerson wrote in his journal: "Ask not, Is it Constitutional? Ask, Is It right?" This concept is crucial to von Frank's fascinating new book on the trial and rendition of fugitive slave Anthony Burns in May of 1854. In it he fuses together the actions of militant abolitionists with the ideas of New England's major Transcendentalist thinkers. The author delineates the crucial moment in Boston's cultural history when a revolution in thought took place that transformed a deeply split community into one with a majority in favor of antislavery. Much transpired before this cultural climax occurred. The early successful efforts of Boston's tiny group of abolitionists to free fugitives like William and Ellen Craft (1850) and Shadrach Minkins (1851), led to the stiffening of governmental resistance and the failure to liberate Thomas Sims (1851). The passage of the Fugitive Slave Act and the Kansas-Nebraska Act primed New England for a realignment of community response to slavery. It was the Burns case, with its failed armed attack to free the incarcerated fugitive, and the fruitless legal haranguing that could not prevent his rendition, that lit the spark mobilizing Boston and Massachusetts against slavery. Von Frank makes a subtle and sophisticated argument demonstrating how Emerson's and Thoreau's transcendental ideas of individual responsibility, moral goodness, and faith in progress coalesced with the "higher law" doctrine of Garrison and other abolitionists, to forge an "antislavery revolution" that would propel the nation into civil war. The Fugitive Slave Law, called by Emerson that "filthy enactment," and the Burns case created the conditions for a confrontation in Boston between the Emersonian view of conscience and an "unjust and evil" law that resulted in this "pocket revolution." Ever the true democrat Emerson saw laws as "imitable, all alterable," with true authority resting with the people. A person must oppose the Fugitive Slave Law since it violated one's conscience. Thoreau echoed this higher law sentiment with his antislavery piece, "Civil Disobedience": "Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also in a prison." It was the Burns case that popularized the Transcendentalist's intellectual realization that if the people of Massachusetts enforced this law, they would become accomplices to the slave power. …
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