Democratization and Women's Political Leadership in North Africa

In the spring of 2011 when citizens in Arab countries rose up against their regimes, it appeared that the "third wave" of democratization had begun in the Middle East and the Maghreb, and that countries would embark on successful democratic transitions. Issues such as the gendered nature of the uprisings, how gender relations and women's mobilizations have shaped trajectories, as well as how women and their rights have been affected, have been under-researched. In this article, I put the spotlight on North Africa--Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia--which saw different protest dynamics and political outcomes subsequently. Drawing from mainstream literature on determinants of democratization and feminist literature on women and democratic transitions, I examine how women's preexisting legal status and social positions, as well as the broad structural, institutional, and cultural contexts, shaped the course and immediate outcomes of the Arab Spring in the countries examined. I argue that those countries that saw advances in women's participation and rights prior to the Arab Spring are the ones most likely to transition successfully to democracy, and indeed, to establish a more women-friendly democracy; and that women's growing political leadership will influence the quality of ongoing democratizations in the Maghreb countries of Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. ********** In the spring of 2011 citizens in one Arab country after another rose in defiance of authoritarian regimes to demand political change. It appeared that the region had caught up with the "third wave" of democratization--perhaps ushering in a fourth one--and would embark on successful democratic transitions. After all, polls since 2000 had shown strong support for democracy in almost all Arab countries. (1) The road since then, however, has been rocky, with quite different trajectories that a burgeoning body of literature has analyzed. (2) Less researched has been the gendered nature of the uprisings, that is, how gender relations and women's mobilizations have shaped the trajectories, as well as how women and their rights have been affected. The focus here is on North Africa--Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia--which experienced different protest dynamics and political outcomes subsequently. I offer three propositions: 1) women's preexisting legal status and social positions (including political participation and involvement in decisionmaking)--as well as the broader structural, institutional, and normative contexts--have helped to shape the course and immediate outcomes of the Arab Spring in Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia; 2) women's growing political leadership will influence the quality of ongoing democratizations in the Maghreb countries of Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia; and 3) those countries that saw advances in women's participation and rights prior to the Arab Spring are the ones most likely to transition successfully beyond mere democracies to more women-friendly ones. The literature on and historical record of women and "third wave" democratic transitions reveal that not all transitions have seen women mobilizing as women, and not all transitions to democracy have been accompanied by policies and programs in favor of women's full citizenship, gender equality, and leadership. (3) Indeed, democratic transitions present risks for women and minorities (and not just for national and regional economies) because outcomes are dependent on a number of salient endogenous and exogenous factors. The relevant endogenous factors are: preexisting gender roles, women's legal status and social positions prior to the revolutionary outbreak or democratic transition, and the institutional legacy of the authoritarian regime; the degree of women's mobilizations and the number and visibility of women's networks, organizations, and other institutions; the nature of the transition and the political parties and movements involved in the transition; and the ideology, values, and norms of the new state and its capacity and will for rights-based development. …