尼加拉瓜米斯基图村海虾生产的所有权和对经济机会的认识

Ethnology Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI:10.2307/4153029
M. Jamieson
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引用次数: 10

摘要

这篇关于海虾捕捞和加工的文章调查了尼加拉瓜珍珠湖卡卡比拉米斯基图人获取生产资料的不同程度与经济不平等之间的关系。在当地海虾经济的背景下,人们普遍接受的卡卡比拉观念,即某些人的财富生产必然伴随着其他人的贫困(福斯特的“有限善的形象”),在真理中具有可验证的基础。(米斯基图,经济人类学,捕鱼,虾,尼加拉瓜)**********马克思对资本主义制度的分析中最重要的见解之一是对生产资料所有权的重要性,特别是对再生产和使生产关系可操作的工具和财产的权利。然而,在人类学家中,马克思工作的这一方面往往被人种学和分析学所掩盖,这些人类学和分析学的重点是生产关系本身(例如,Josephides 1985)和地方生产系统与全球市场之间的联系(例如,Seddon 1978;Nash 1979),其假设显然是对属性和工具的分析关注必然构成庸俗的技术决定论。长期以来,人类学家一直对人与物之间的社会关系抱有理论和实质性的兴趣(Malinowski 1950 [1922];Mauss 1974 [1925];Appadurai 1986;Kopytoff 1986),但是当涉及到那些构成工具和财产以促进生产的东西时,很少有人详细考虑这些关系的意义。(2)因此,怀特(1949:365-66)关于人类学家应该研究人类对技术的经验的建议一直被奇怪地忽视(另见Sahlins 1976;英格尔德1986)。例如,一本为经济人类学家提供数据收集和分析关键方法的重要教科书(Gregory and Altman 1989)几乎没有关注工具和财产的所有权。这种忽视也出现在经济活动的重要民族志研究中,本文中最重要的是尼采曼(1973)对米斯基图印第安人生存生态的精彩描述。本文考察了米斯基图人捕捞和加工海虾的技术设备相关的社会关系。它试图表明,关注工具和财产的社会生活如何能对生产过程产生有价值的见解,在相当程度上解释了“有限善的形象”的存在(福斯特1965)。在尼加拉瓜东部偏远的莫斯基特海岸的米斯基图人中,有限的好处的形象是普遍的。米斯基图人认为,一个人的社会地位的上升不可避免地是以牺牲他人为代价的,就像一只螃蟹试图爬出一个桶,取决于它是否有能力踩到并压下竞争对手一样,米斯基图人通常把经济上的成功视为一种零和游戏,个人通过拒绝向他人提供经济援助来获得财富。大量的信仰将成功积累财富归因于与魔鬼或“丛林里的科学人”(巫师)等邪恶势力的交易。(3)在日常生活中,相对成功的个体会抱怨那些让他们经济受挫的升级机制。本文对这些观点进行了检验,并为一个显而易见的事实寻找证据,即对产生财富的工具和财产的寡头垄断所有权实际上加剧了现有的财富差距,从而支持米斯基图直观的观点,即财富积累是一种零和游戏,一个人的成功意味着另一个人的经济萧条。尼什曼(1973)对米斯基图人的经典研究集中在一个名为塔斯巴普乌尼的村庄的997名居民中为维持生计而进行的经济实践。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
OWNERSHIP OF SEA-SHRIMP PRODUCTION AND PERCEPTIONS OF ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY IN A NICARAGUAN MISKITU VILLAGE
This article on the catching and processing of sea shrimp investigates the relationship between differing degrees of access to the means of production and the generation of economic inequalities among the Miskitu people of Kakabila in Nicaragua's Pearl Lagoon. The widely held Kakabila notion that the production of wealth among some entails a concomitant impoverishment of others (Foster's "image of the limited good") is shown, in the context of the local sea-shrimp economy, to have a verifiable basis in truth. (Miskitu, economic anthropology, fishing, shrimp, Nicaragua) ********** One of Marx's most important insights in his analysis of the capitalist system was the significance of ownership of the means of production, specifically rights to the tools and property that reproduce and make operable the relations of production. Among anthropologists, however, this aspect of Marx's work has tended to be obscured through ethnographic and analytical focus on the relations of production themselves (e.g., Josephides 1985) and on articulations between local systems of production and global markets (e.g., Seddon 1978; Nash 1979), the assumption apparently being that analytic attention to property and tools necessarily constitutes a vulgar technological determinism. Anthropologists have long held theoretical and substantive interest in the social relations between people and things (Malinowski 1950 [1922]; Mauss 1974 [1925]; Appadurai 1986; Kopytoff 1986), but few have considered in detail the significance of these relations when it comes to those things that constitute tools and property to facilitate production. (2) Consequently, White's (1949:365-66) advice that anthropologists should examine the human experience of technology has remained strangely neglected (see also Sahlins 1976; Ingold 1986). For example, an important textbook (Gregory and Altman 1989) on key methods of data collection and analysis for economic anthropologists provides virtually no attention to ownership of tools and property. This neglect also appears in important ethnographic studies of economic activity, the most significant for this article being Nietschmann's (1973) superb account of the subsistence ecology of the Miskitu Indians. This article examines the social relations pertaining to the technological apparatus for catching and processing sea shrimp among the Miskitu. It attempts to show how focusing on the social lives of tools and property can yield valuable insights into the productive process, accounting to a considerable degree for the existence of the "image of the limited good" (Foster 1965). Among the Miskitu of eastern Nicaragua's remote Mosquito Coast the image of the limited good is common. Influenced perhaps by their proximity to Anglophone Caribbean communities with the similar concept of "crab antics" (Wilson 1973), the idea that one's social ascent is inevitably bought at the expense of others, much as a crab's attempt to climb out of a barrel is predicated on its ability to step on and push down competitors, Miskitu people often see economic success as a zero-sum game in which individuals acquire wealth by denying economic assistance to others. A plethora of beliefs ascribe the successful accumulation of wealth to deals made with evil forces such as devils or "science men from the bush" (sorcerers). (3) In day-to-day encounters, relatively successful individuals complain about leveling mechanisms designed to economically depress them. This article tests such views and seeks evidence for the apparent truth that oligopoly ownership of the tools and property which generate wealth does in fact exacerbate existing wealth differentials, giving support to the intuitive Miskitu idea expressed in beliefs that the accumulation of wealth is a zero-sum game, success for one meaning concomitant economic depression for others. THE MISKITU Nietschmann's (1973) classic study of the Miskitu focused on economic practices geared toward subsistence among the 997 inhabitants of a village called Tasbapauni. …
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