各种平原的克里文化

Ethnology Pub Date : 2002-06-22 DOI:10.2307/4153028
N. W. Braroe
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They then held a stigmatized ethnic identity in the rural Canadian community of Short Grass (2) that they had no means to repudiate. An asymmetrical relationship of wealth and power severely limited Indian opportunity for projecting moral self-worth. Now, with expanded resources and a claim to an estimable identity, the Nehiyanak speak with a voice formerly denied them to say who and what they are. They employ a special version of contemporary Cree culture in doing so. This essay compares the community of the past to that of the present, and explores the utility of current theorizing about the culture of ethnicity for explaining what has happened to the Nehiyanak. It examines a restricted usage of the concept of culture that is a part of ethnic theory, one that contrasts with a traditional ethnological sense of the term. It argues that failure to attend to the most inclusive cultural context, resulting from exclusive focus on Cree ethnic culture, gives a misleading and fragmented account of band life, and only a partial explanation of Nehiyanak ethnic action. The preoccupation of Indians with certain identity attributes, such as spirituality, assumes different forms depending on whether an activity takes place within band confines or in exchanges with whites; that is, whether it is relevant ethnologically or ethnically. To consider such differences mere situational compartmentalizations overlooks what crosses between them, and misses instructive insights into the culture of which the ethnological and ethnic are analytical parts. Taken together, the ethnic and ethnological constitute the total culture of the band, and this essay discusses several ways the two are processually intertwined. 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引用次数: 3

摘要

Nehiyanak是加拿大平原上的一个克里族部落,他们正在重新协商被强加的身份,认为自己在道德上不如当地社会中一个值得尊敬的种族。证据包括Nehiyanak在展示文化符号方面的自信,以及在社区仪式日历中越来越多的知名度。从20世纪90年代到60年代,当代族群理论对文化概念的局限使用与传统人类学描述中更具包容性的含义形成了对比。Nehiyanak民族文化虽然与民族文化工作没有直接关系,但却为后者提供了内容,并调解了民族选择。(克里印第安人,种族,文化理论,文化变化)********** Nehiyanak,一个平原克里部落,自从我在20世纪60年代第一次遇到他们以来,他们的命运发生了变化。那时,他们在加拿大农村的短草社区(Short Grass)持有一种被污名化的种族身份,他们无法否认这种身份。财富和权力的不对称关系严重限制了印度人表现道德自我价值的机会。现在,随着资源的扩大和对值得尊敬的身份的要求,Nehiyanak人用一种以前被剥夺的声音说话,说他们是谁,他们是什么。他们采用了一种特殊版本的当代希腊文化。这篇文章比较了过去和现在的社区,并探讨了当前关于种族文化的理论在解释内希亚纳克人身上发生的事情时的效用。它考察了作为民族理论一部分的文化概念的有限用法,这与传统的民族学意义形成了对比。它认为,由于对克里族文化的排他关注,导致未能关注最具包容性的文化背景,对部落生活的描述产生了误导和碎片化,对内希亚纳克族行为的解释也只是部分的。印第安人对某些身份属性(如灵性)的关注,根据一项活动是在部落范围内进行还是与白人进行交流,呈现出不同的形式;也就是说,它是否与民族学或民族学相关。仅仅考虑这些差异的情景划分忽略了它们之间的交叉,并且错过了对文化的有益见解,而民族学和民族学是文化的分析部分。总之,民族性和民族性构成了整个部落的文化,本文讨论了这两者在过程中相互交织的几种方式。在我早期的田野调查期间(1963-1970),保护区是大约150个克里克人的家园,他们生活在11个家庭中,与白人世界隔离开来。那里从来没有基督教传教会,也没有印第安事务部的常驻代表。官员们很少参观乐队。这些家庭靠政府救济提供的微薄收入度日,在收割季节为白人做零星的农业工作和围篱增加了收入。为了获得现金,Nehiyanak出售了保护区上修剪过的栅栏柱子。在印第安人和牧场主之间的交易中,小规模放牧白人的牛是不让内务部知道的。花在乐队上的钱完全由一个代理人控制,他决定何时为谁建造房屋(由一个白人承包商),并批准道路工程和围栏的收费。在20世纪60年代,一名白人教师管理救济款项,并将上课作为家庭援助的必要条件。内务部决定了谁将被列入乐队名单。没有报酬的首领职位非正式地在男人之间流通,他们没有机会代表部落发言或向其成员提供服务。虽然原则上有三名议员,但在任何时候谁担任这些职位都没有达成一致或大惊小怪。乐队官员没有前往内务部机构,那里有一天的车程。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Kinds of Plains Cree culture
The Nehiyanak, a Canadian Plains Cree band, is renegotiating an imposed identity as morally inferior to an estimable ethnic segment of local society. Evidence includes Nehiyanak assertiveness in the display of cultural symbols and a growing visibility in the community ceremonial calendar. Comparing the 1990s to the 1960s, a restricted use of the culture concept in current ethnic theory is contrasted to a more inclusive meaning in traditional anthropological description. Nehiyanak ethnological culture, while not immediately relevant to ethnic cultural work, nonetheless provides content to the latter, and mediates ethnic choices. (Cree Indians, ethnicity, culture theory, culture change) ********** The Nehiyanak, a Plains Cree band, has had a change of fortune since I first encountered them in the 1960s. They then held a stigmatized ethnic identity in the rural Canadian community of Short Grass (2) that they had no means to repudiate. An asymmetrical relationship of wealth and power severely limited Indian opportunity for projecting moral self-worth. Now, with expanded resources and a claim to an estimable identity, the Nehiyanak speak with a voice formerly denied them to say who and what they are. They employ a special version of contemporary Cree culture in doing so. This essay compares the community of the past to that of the present, and explores the utility of current theorizing about the culture of ethnicity for explaining what has happened to the Nehiyanak. It examines a restricted usage of the concept of culture that is a part of ethnic theory, one that contrasts with a traditional ethnological sense of the term. It argues that failure to attend to the most inclusive cultural context, resulting from exclusive focus on Cree ethnic culture, gives a misleading and fragmented account of band life, and only a partial explanation of Nehiyanak ethnic action. The preoccupation of Indians with certain identity attributes, such as spirituality, assumes different forms depending on whether an activity takes place within band confines or in exchanges with whites; that is, whether it is relevant ethnologically or ethnically. To consider such differences mere situational compartmentalizations overlooks what crosses between them, and misses instructive insights into the culture of which the ethnological and ethnic are analytical parts. Taken together, the ethnic and ethnological constitute the total culture of the band, and this essay discusses several ways the two are processually intertwined. NEHIYANAK IN THE 1960S During my early fieldwork (1963-1970), the reserve was the home of about 150 Crec living in eleven households, segregated from the white world. There had never been a Christian mission there, nor a resident agent of the Indian Affairs Branch (IAB). Officials seldom visited the band. Families got by on very small incomes provided by government relief, augmented by sporadic agricultural work for whites during haying time and by fencing. For ready cash, Nehiyanak sold fence posts cut and cured on the reserve. Small-scale grazing of whites' cattle, in transactions between individual Indians and ranchers, was kept hidden from the IAB. Money spent on the band was entirely under the control of an agent who decided when and for whom houses were built (by a white contractor) and who approved charges for road work and fencing. In the 1960s, a white schoolteacher managed relief payments and compelled class attendance as a requirement for family aid. The IAB decided who would be included on the band list. The unpaid chieftainship circulated informally among men who had no occasion to speak on behalf of the band or deliver services to its members. Although there were in principle three councilors, there was no accord or fuss about who filled the offices at any given time. Band officers did not make trips to the IAB agency, a day's drive away. …
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