暧昧的流血:巴厘岛的纯洁与牺牲

Ethnology Pub Date : 2002-09-22 DOI:10.2307/4153010
L. Pedersen
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Visitors stop short with some incredulity at the signs in English that forthrightly prohibit entry to menstruating women. Although they have had surprisingly little to say on the issue of menstruation, the reaction of scholarly observers of Balinese culture has been similar. If mentioned at all, the complex of taboos and regulations surrounding it has tended to be viewed as somewhat of a jolting exception to otherwise relatively egalitarian gender relations (Covarrubias 1986). More recently, scholars have treated the issue of gender relations in Bali in more depth (Wikan 1990), but remain almost silent on the circumstances of the menstruating woman. Balinese women, meanwhile, generally adhere to certain menstrual taboos as a regular and accepted part of their lives. In 1998, in a noble house in eastern Bali, I observed a ceremony performed for a woman whose period coincided with a family temple purification marking the onset of preparatory sacred work for a major ancestral ritual. Reminding her that she must heed her elders, the woman's paternal aunt summoned her to the garbage heap outside the palace walls. Placed at the top of the heap, she was sprinkled with holy water in a brief rite performed by her aunt. At first glance, such a practice of sending the menstruating woman to the garbage heap--expressly, as the women envisioned it, because her condition belongs with the filth there--seems to resonate with conclusions such as Covarrubias's, that although in Bali \"the woman is by no means the proverbial slave of Oriental countries ... once a month, during menstrual time, a wife's life is not a happy one\" (Covarrubias 1986:156). There is no more graphic expression of menstruation as pollution than the image of the woman on the garbage. Other evidence, however, complicates any easy assumption that such practice necessarily reflects female oppression. This same woman stepped down from the garbage to talk at length about how the menstruating woman in Bali is said to become \"like a raja.\" These positive and negative images of menstruation appear to coexist without contradiction to the Balinese actors involved. After introducing the complex of menstrual taboos found in Bali, this article clarifies the classification of menstrual pollution that emerges from contemporary commentary of variously positioned men and women in the eastern part of the island. It revolves around cycles paralleling those of life and death and a view of women as both vulnerable and powerful. For example, taboos surrounding a woman's menstruation also open for her certain avenues of agency. But such power is hedged by the differences in experience between high- and low-caste women in Bali. While high-caste women are more likely to appeal to the raja image, being a woman in a princely household entails not only higher status but also a higher degree of constraint. Similarly, being treated like a raja might restrict as well as empower the menstruating woman. Even studies that otherwise take into account many complexities surrounding menstrual taboos and related practices, such as those compiled by Buckley and Gottlieb (1988), still tend to characterize societies as having either positive, negative, or neutral views of menstruation, or as having taboos that either limit or enhance the powers of women. …","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"41 1","pages":"303-315"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2002-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/4153010","citationCount":"21","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Ambiguous bleeding: Purity and sacrifice in Bali\",\"authors\":\"L. Pedersen\",\"doi\":\"10.2307/4153010\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Menstrual beliefs and practices in Bali defy simple classification. 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引用次数: 21

摘要

巴厘岛人对月经的信仰和习俗并不简单。月经可能会被扔到垃圾堆里,比如当一个女人的月经与净化仪式的仪式时间相吻合时,她必须在街上的垃圾堆上进行仪式。但月经也被视为赋予王公地位,女性在这个被认为是被动的过程中确实表现出能动性。此外,月经的经历可能因种姓地位而异。(巴厘岛,污染分类,限制,机构,歧义)**********许多到巴厘岛的游客可以从个人经历中证实,在那里,月经禁忌仍然有效。在寺庙的入口处,女性游客发现这些禁忌也与她们有关,她们几乎总是觉得这是对她们性别的侮辱。游客们看到用英文写的明令禁止经期妇女进入的标志,不禁有些难以置信。虽然他们在月经问题上几乎没有什么可说的,但巴厘岛文化的学术观察者的反应却很相似。如果被提及,围绕它的禁忌和法规的复杂性往往被视为相对平等的性别关系的一个令人震惊的例外(Covarrubias 1986)。最近,学者们对巴厘岛的性别关系问题进行了更深入的研究(Wikan 1990),但对经期妇女的情况几乎保持沉默。与此同时,巴厘岛的女性通常坚持某些经期禁忌,作为她们生活中常规和可接受的一部分。1998年,在巴厘岛东部的一所贵族住宅里,我观看了一场为一位妇女举行的仪式,她的经期正好赶上家族寺庙的净化仪式,这标志着一项重大祖先仪式的神圣准备工作的开始。她的姑姑提醒她必须听从长辈的劝告,把她叫到宫墙外的垃圾堆旁。她被放在堆的顶端,在一个简短的仪式上被她的姑姑洒上圣水。乍一看,把经期妇女扔进垃圾堆的做法——正如妇女们所设想的那样,因为她的状况属于那里的污秽——似乎与科瓦鲁比亚斯(Covarrubias)等人的结论产生了共鸣,尽管在巴厘岛,“妇女绝不是东方国家众所周知的奴隶……每月一次,在月经期间,妻子的生活并不幸福”(Covarrubias 1986:156)。没有比垃圾上的女人形象更形象地表达月经是一种污染了。然而,其他证据使这种做法必然反映女性压迫的简单假设变得复杂。这位女士从垃圾堆里走出来,详细地讲述了巴厘岛的月经妇女如何变得“像王公一样”。这些积极和消极的月经形象似乎共存,没有矛盾的巴厘岛演员参与。在介绍了巴厘岛复杂的经期禁忌之后,本文澄清了从巴厘岛东部不同位置的男性和女性的当代评论中出现的经期污染的分类。它围绕着生命与死亡的循环,以及女性既脆弱又强大的观点展开。例如,围绕女性月经的禁忌也为她的某些代理渠道打开了大门。但这种权力受到巴厘岛高种姓和低种姓妇女之间经验差异的制约。虽然高种姓的女性更有可能吸引王公的形象,但作为一个王室家庭的女性,不仅需要更高的地位,还需要更高程度的约束。同样,被当作王公对待可能会限制经期妇女,也可能会赋予她们权力。即使考虑到围绕月经禁忌和相关实践的许多复杂性的研究,如Buckley和Gottlieb(1988)汇编的研究,仍然倾向于将社会描述为对月经有积极、消极或中立的看法,或者有限制或增强女性权力的禁忌。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Ambiguous bleeding: Purity and sacrifice in Bali
Menstrual beliefs and practices in Bali defy simple classification. Menstruation may be relegated to the dump, as when a woman had to undergo a rite on a street midden when her monthly period coincided with the ritual time for a purification ceremony. But menstruation is also viewed as conferring raja status, and women do exhibit agency in this supposedly passive process. Experiences of menstruation, furthermore, may vary according to caste status. (Bali, classifications of pollution, restriction, agency, ambiguity) ********** As many tourists to Bali can confirm from personal experience, menstrual taboos remain in effect there. At the entrance to temples, female tourists find that the taboos pertain to them, too, a fact they almost invariably experience as an affront to their sex. Visitors stop short with some incredulity at the signs in English that forthrightly prohibit entry to menstruating women. Although they have had surprisingly little to say on the issue of menstruation, the reaction of scholarly observers of Balinese culture has been similar. If mentioned at all, the complex of taboos and regulations surrounding it has tended to be viewed as somewhat of a jolting exception to otherwise relatively egalitarian gender relations (Covarrubias 1986). More recently, scholars have treated the issue of gender relations in Bali in more depth (Wikan 1990), but remain almost silent on the circumstances of the menstruating woman. Balinese women, meanwhile, generally adhere to certain menstrual taboos as a regular and accepted part of their lives. In 1998, in a noble house in eastern Bali, I observed a ceremony performed for a woman whose period coincided with a family temple purification marking the onset of preparatory sacred work for a major ancestral ritual. Reminding her that she must heed her elders, the woman's paternal aunt summoned her to the garbage heap outside the palace walls. Placed at the top of the heap, she was sprinkled with holy water in a brief rite performed by her aunt. At first glance, such a practice of sending the menstruating woman to the garbage heap--expressly, as the women envisioned it, because her condition belongs with the filth there--seems to resonate with conclusions such as Covarrubias's, that although in Bali "the woman is by no means the proverbial slave of Oriental countries ... once a month, during menstrual time, a wife's life is not a happy one" (Covarrubias 1986:156). There is no more graphic expression of menstruation as pollution than the image of the woman on the garbage. Other evidence, however, complicates any easy assumption that such practice necessarily reflects female oppression. This same woman stepped down from the garbage to talk at length about how the menstruating woman in Bali is said to become "like a raja." These positive and negative images of menstruation appear to coexist without contradiction to the Balinese actors involved. After introducing the complex of menstrual taboos found in Bali, this article clarifies the classification of menstrual pollution that emerges from contemporary commentary of variously positioned men and women in the eastern part of the island. It revolves around cycles paralleling those of life and death and a view of women as both vulnerable and powerful. For example, taboos surrounding a woman's menstruation also open for her certain avenues of agency. But such power is hedged by the differences in experience between high- and low-caste women in Bali. While high-caste women are more likely to appeal to the raja image, being a woman in a princely household entails not only higher status but also a higher degree of constraint. Similarly, being treated like a raja might restrict as well as empower the menstruating woman. Even studies that otherwise take into account many complexities surrounding menstrual taboos and related practices, such as those compiled by Buckley and Gottlieb (1988), still tend to characterize societies as having either positive, negative, or neutral views of menstruation, or as having taboos that either limit or enhance the powers of women. …
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