尼泊尔的地缘政治维度及其对南亚的影响

Umesh K. Bhattarai
{"title":"尼泊尔的地缘政治维度及其对南亚的影响","authors":"Umesh K. Bhattarai","doi":"10.3126/joia.v1i1.22641","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"International security and its relevancy to nation’s stability are heavily influenced by the geo-political situation of a country. By geo-politics, it is a relationship among politics, geography, demography, and economics–especially in respect to foreign policy adopted by a nation within the region. It dictates the overall governmental policies. In other words, the power relationship is dictated by the geographic location of the country. Geo-politics is the study of the political and strategic relevance of geography in a pursuit to national and international power (Khanal, 2011). So, the location and the physical environment are important factors to decide international power structure of a nation in the global as well as in regional context. Geo-strategy is a branch of geo-politics that deals with strategy. It characterizes a certain geographic area that affects the analysis of a region (Dahal, 2009). In order to understand the importance of geo-strategy of Nepal, we need to understand geographical context of the Indian subcontinent as a whole. It is a self-contained region that includes India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan. We may call the subcontinent “self-contained” because it is a region that is isolated on all sides by difficult terrain or by ocean. In geopolitical terms it is– an island (Friedman, 2008) ‘Nationalism’ within the State of Nepal The rebellion is not a new subject in the Nepali history since the integration of present Nepal by king Prithvi Narayan Shah. The conspiracy and struggle for power are common. During royal regime– the palace was the center of gravity for power politics and the elites used to revolve in and around the palace. These elites misguided the royalty and exploited the poor Nepali. The deep-rooted differences within the Nepali society surfaced at the spontaneous process of development have later transformed into the conflict. The scarcity of the resources, illiteracy, poverty and unequal distribution of opportunity have created a catastrophic effect to burn conflict. At the state level– discrimination based on tribe, language and the religion was distinct in all sectors of social life (Subedi, 2010: 72). 64 Journal of International Affairs Vol. 1, No. 1, 2016 The Maoist rebellion, in a decade time–geared-up so fast that almost 242 year’s old royal regime trembled. The very reason for this down fall was nothing other than the inability to meet the popular aspiration of the people, lack of willingness of the old structure to reform the outdated feudalistic mode of society and suffocation of normal people from elite ruling system. In addition, the inequality in access to resources and opportunities, inadequate service delivery, injustice to the identities and political ideological beliefs, ineffective governance, inept transparency and accountability, intolerant bureaucracy and technocracy as well as insipid diplomacy can be blamed for instability in Nepal. It is believed that King Prithvi Narayan Shah could integrate Nepal geographically to one state but he failed to unite the country on the basis of ethnicity, religion, language, class, and culture. Nepal could become a state but it could not become a nation even from the days of its integration. Hence, emotional attachment of its citizen in the form of nation-state remained fragmented. Crisis is an event that measures human endurance to tackle it. The endurance differs from person to person, society to society and nation to nation based on its survivability and past experiences. History of any nation depicts its ability to cope up such crisis and also to measuring the ‘nationalism’ among its people. The feeling of ‘nationalism’ can be felt and gauged at the time of national crisis. The people generally tend to unite when they feel insecure from outside. In normal situation, the feeling of ‘nationalism’ remains dormant. Nepalis are relatively passive, shy, humble and poor but self-esteemed, independent and hard-working. The crisis of last Mega-Earthquake of April 25, 2015 was the acid test for all Nepali leaders to reconstruct the damaged infrastructures and support to the victimsbut they failed to garner consensus and mobilize the resources. Due to severe politicization, they not only loosed the trust of Nepali peoplebut also they are discredited in the international community. Regional Power Balance The Indian subcontinent, on its northern side of the mountain wall–there is two countries, Nepal and Bhutan, which pose no threat to India. On the other side lies China which can be considered threat to India, and in simplistic word may be a potential rival. Their entire frontier runs through the highest elevations of the Himalayas and both are walled off from each other. The only major direct clash between Indian and Chinese forces, which occurred in 1962, was an inconclusive battle over border territories high in the mountains–both in the northeast Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh and the Kashmir region. The relation over the 65 Geopolitical Dimension of Nepaland Its Impact in South Asia territorial dispute is still active as Chinese authority opposed the recent visit of PM NarendraModi to Arunachal Pradesh capital Tawangclaiming that it belongs to their territory. A potential geopolitical shift would be there if the situation in Tibet is changed. China’s main population centers are surrounded by buffer states–Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang and Tibet. As long as all these states are in Chinese hands, the core of China is invulnerable to land attack. If, Tibet becomes independent, and if it allies with India, so as it permits India to base substantial forces in its territory and to build major supply infrastructure there, then–and only then–India could be a threat to China. This is why India for a long time advocated for Dalai Lama and Tibetan independence movements. If a pro-Indian, independent government be installed in Tibet–the threat to China would be significant. Similarly, China may develop equivalent threats to India–particularly in the form of Maoist communist insurgencies. Indian as well as Nepali Maoists has been suspected on getting support by Beijing though China has lost interest in aggressive Maoism. But it does have an interest in maintaining influence in Nepal. This may be China’s counter to India’s Tibet policy. Using Nepal as a base from which to invade India would be similarly difficult and pointless for Beijing. At the moment, there is no Indo-Chinese geopolitical hostility. However, these would be points of friction if such hostility were to occur in the distant future. The present development in US-India relations to provide logistics base to the US, lobbying India for membership in NSG and support to acquire MTCR will definitely annoy China and Pakistan. Perhaps, the USA might be encouraged to counter China’s assertive military posture in South China Sea and Indian Ocean through India that is why it is supporting India for NSG although it has not signed Non Proliferation Treaty as well. The justification for membership in NSG for clean energy may be acceptable but acquiring MTCR is different. Logistics base to the US is also matter of debate to the neighbors. A cordial relation between regional power and super power is much appreciable but collaboration against neighboring global power will possibly encourage hostilities. In retaliation, if China adopts assertive position through military presence in any of the neighboring South Asian country to Indiait will be devastating to security and stability for the entire region. So, India as well as China must restraint and careful when they opt for any decision that may destabilize the region. 66 Journal of International Affairs Vol. 1, No. 1, 2016 Equally, Nepal should also realize its pivotal position in the Himalayas between the Central and South Asian Region. Its geographical position forms a critical geo-strategic setting for the security of India especially to its Gangatic belt; and to the North–existence of the sensitive Tibet–Autonomous Region of China; which has made Nepal’s position more strategic (Khanal, 2011). In view of this, Nepal needs to formulate its foreign policy satisfying both the neighbors’ interest carefully. At the same time, promoting own interest from growing economies of both the countries will be a wise part to use geo-strategic setting for Nepal. Nepal-Compounded by Three Nuclear Powers The global focus on South Asia and the Indian Ocean has increased over the years due to India and the emerging world power China. In spite of this, another world power has its stakes in the region that is USA. It is the dominant world power for the past century which is an active partner waging an unfinished war on terror in the AfghanistanPakistan region and now in Middle-East. Despite of its continued dominance in the Pacific-it is continuously exerting pressure on South Asia equally so as to balance China in this region. In fact, being buffer between two nuclear powers directly under Indo-China domain and Pakistan in near distance–Nepal is getting priority on foreign aid from regional as well as global powers. This is basically to influence in formulating public policies and setting priorities. The weaknesses of the executive authority, the poverty of homegrown ideas and heavy reliance on donors for financing development has made government prone to donors. It has crippled both the democratic authority of the government and the bureaucracy, thereby weakening the ability of the state to work in the public interest. The Nepali state has failed to assert itself over the donors’ interests. It is a sensitive issue on the part of Nepali side to remain in balance for not to compromise on its own national interest at any cost. The balance of power is very important to maintain stability. The deterrence effect itself controls one to another. The consequences of war are devastating for the nations–so the power equilibrium itself is the in","PeriodicalId":81668,"journal":{"name":"Journal of international affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"63-72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2016-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3126/joia.v1i1.22641","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Geopolitical Dimension of Nepal and its Impact in South Asia\",\"authors\":\"Umesh K. Bhattarai\",\"doi\":\"10.3126/joia.v1i1.22641\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"International security and its relevancy to nation’s stability are heavily influenced by the geo-political situation of a country. By geo-politics, it is a relationship among politics, geography, demography, and economics–especially in respect to foreign policy adopted by a nation within the region. It dictates the overall governmental policies. In other words, the power relationship is dictated by the geographic location of the country. Geo-politics is the study of the political and strategic relevance of geography in a pursuit to national and international power (Khanal, 2011). So, the location and the physical environment are important factors to decide international power structure of a nation in the global as well as in regional context. Geo-strategy is a branch of geo-politics that deals with strategy. It characterizes a certain geographic area that affects the analysis of a region (Dahal, 2009). In order to understand the importance of geo-strategy of Nepal, we need to understand geographical context of the Indian subcontinent as a whole. It is a self-contained region that includes India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan. We may call the subcontinent “self-contained” because it is a region that is isolated on all sides by difficult terrain or by ocean. In geopolitical terms it is– an island (Friedman, 2008) ‘Nationalism’ within the State of Nepal The rebellion is not a new subject in the Nepali history since the integration of present Nepal by king Prithvi Narayan Shah. The conspiracy and struggle for power are common. During royal regime– the palace was the center of gravity for power politics and the elites used to revolve in and around the palace. These elites misguided the royalty and exploited the poor Nepali. The deep-rooted differences within the Nepali society surfaced at the spontaneous process of development have later transformed into the conflict. The scarcity of the resources, illiteracy, poverty and unequal distribution of opportunity have created a catastrophic effect to burn conflict. At the state level– discrimination based on tribe, language and the religion was distinct in all sectors of social life (Subedi, 2010: 72). 64 Journal of International Affairs Vol. 1, No. 1, 2016 The Maoist rebellion, in a decade time–geared-up so fast that almost 242 year’s old royal regime trembled. The very reason for this down fall was nothing other than the inability to meet the popular aspiration of the people, lack of willingness of the old structure to reform the outdated feudalistic mode of society and suffocation of normal people from elite ruling system. In addition, the inequality in access to resources and opportunities, inadequate service delivery, injustice to the identities and political ideological beliefs, ineffective governance, inept transparency and accountability, intolerant bureaucracy and technocracy as well as insipid diplomacy can be blamed for instability in Nepal. It is believed that King Prithvi Narayan Shah could integrate Nepal geographically to one state but he failed to unite the country on the basis of ethnicity, religion, language, class, and culture. Nepal could become a state but it could not become a nation even from the days of its integration. Hence, emotional attachment of its citizen in the form of nation-state remained fragmented. Crisis is an event that measures human endurance to tackle it. The endurance differs from person to person, society to society and nation to nation based on its survivability and past experiences. History of any nation depicts its ability to cope up such crisis and also to measuring the ‘nationalism’ among its people. The feeling of ‘nationalism’ can be felt and gauged at the time of national crisis. The people generally tend to unite when they feel insecure from outside. In normal situation, the feeling of ‘nationalism’ remains dormant. Nepalis are relatively passive, shy, humble and poor but self-esteemed, independent and hard-working. The crisis of last Mega-Earthquake of April 25, 2015 was the acid test for all Nepali leaders to reconstruct the damaged infrastructures and support to the victimsbut they failed to garner consensus and mobilize the resources. Due to severe politicization, they not only loosed the trust of Nepali peoplebut also they are discredited in the international community. Regional Power Balance The Indian subcontinent, on its northern side of the mountain wall–there is two countries, Nepal and Bhutan, which pose no threat to India. On the other side lies China which can be considered threat to India, and in simplistic word may be a potential rival. Their entire frontier runs through the highest elevations of the Himalayas and both are walled off from each other. The only major direct clash between Indian and Chinese forces, which occurred in 1962, was an inconclusive battle over border territories high in the mountains–both in the northeast Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh and the Kashmir region. The relation over the 65 Geopolitical Dimension of Nepaland Its Impact in South Asia territorial dispute is still active as Chinese authority opposed the recent visit of PM NarendraModi to Arunachal Pradesh capital Tawangclaiming that it belongs to their territory. A potential geopolitical shift would be there if the situation in Tibet is changed. China’s main population centers are surrounded by buffer states–Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang and Tibet. As long as all these states are in Chinese hands, the core of China is invulnerable to land attack. If, Tibet becomes independent, and if it allies with India, so as it permits India to base substantial forces in its territory and to build major supply infrastructure there, then–and only then–India could be a threat to China. This is why India for a long time advocated for Dalai Lama and Tibetan independence movements. If a pro-Indian, independent government be installed in Tibet–the threat to China would be significant. Similarly, China may develop equivalent threats to India–particularly in the form of Maoist communist insurgencies. Indian as well as Nepali Maoists has been suspected on getting support by Beijing though China has lost interest in aggressive Maoism. But it does have an interest in maintaining influence in Nepal. This may be China’s counter to India’s Tibet policy. Using Nepal as a base from which to invade India would be similarly difficult and pointless for Beijing. At the moment, there is no Indo-Chinese geopolitical hostility. However, these would be points of friction if such hostility were to occur in the distant future. The present development in US-India relations to provide logistics base to the US, lobbying India for membership in NSG and support to acquire MTCR will definitely annoy China and Pakistan. Perhaps, the USA might be encouraged to counter China’s assertive military posture in South China Sea and Indian Ocean through India that is why it is supporting India for NSG although it has not signed Non Proliferation Treaty as well. The justification for membership in NSG for clean energy may be acceptable but acquiring MTCR is different. Logistics base to the US is also matter of debate to the neighbors. A cordial relation between regional power and super power is much appreciable but collaboration against neighboring global power will possibly encourage hostilities. In retaliation, if China adopts assertive position through military presence in any of the neighboring South Asian country to Indiait will be devastating to security and stability for the entire region. So, India as well as China must restraint and careful when they opt for any decision that may destabilize the region. 66 Journal of International Affairs Vol. 1, No. 1, 2016 Equally, Nepal should also realize its pivotal position in the Himalayas between the Central and South Asian Region. Its geographical position forms a critical geo-strategic setting for the security of India especially to its Gangatic belt; and to the North–existence of the sensitive Tibet–Autonomous Region of China; which has made Nepal’s position more strategic (Khanal, 2011). In view of this, Nepal needs to formulate its foreign policy satisfying both the neighbors’ interest carefully. At the same time, promoting own interest from growing economies of both the countries will be a wise part to use geo-strategic setting for Nepal. Nepal-Compounded by Three Nuclear Powers The global focus on South Asia and the Indian Ocean has increased over the years due to India and the emerging world power China. In spite of this, another world power has its stakes in the region that is USA. It is the dominant world power for the past century which is an active partner waging an unfinished war on terror in the AfghanistanPakistan region and now in Middle-East. Despite of its continued dominance in the Pacific-it is continuously exerting pressure on South Asia equally so as to balance China in this region. In fact, being buffer between two nuclear powers directly under Indo-China domain and Pakistan in near distance–Nepal is getting priority on foreign aid from regional as well as global powers. This is basically to influence in formulating public policies and setting priorities. The weaknesses of the executive authority, the poverty of homegrown ideas and heavy reliance on donors for financing development has made government prone to donors. It has crippled both the democratic authority of the government and the bureaucracy, thereby weakening the ability of the state to work in the public interest. The Nepali state has failed to assert itself over the donors’ interests. It is a sensitive issue on the part of Nepali side to remain in balance for not to compromise on its own national interest at any cost. The balance of power is very important to maintain stability. The deterrence effect itself controls one to another. 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引用次数: 1

摘要

国际安全及其与国家稳定的相关性在很大程度上受到一个国家地缘政治局势的影响。地缘政治指的是政治、地理、人口和经济之间的关系,尤其是一个国家在该地区采取的外交政策。它决定了整个政府的政策。换句话说,权力关系是由国家的地理位置决定的。地缘政治是在追求国家和国际权力的过程中对地理的政治和战略相关性的研究(Khanal, 2011)。因此,地理位置和自然环境是决定一个国家在全球和地区背景下的国际权力结构的重要因素。地缘战略是地缘政治的一个分支,涉及战略。它表征了影响区域分析的某个地理区域(Dahal, 2009)。为了理解尼泊尔地缘战略的重要性,我们需要了解整个印度次大陆的地理背景。它是一个自给自足的地区,包括印度、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国、尼泊尔和不丹。我们可以称这个次大陆为“自给自足”,因为它是一个四面被复杂地形或海洋隔离的地区。从地缘政治的角度来看,它是一个岛屿(Friedman, 2008)尼泊尔国内的“民族主义”。自从国王普里特维·纳拉扬·沙阿(Prithvi Narayan Shah)整合现在的尼泊尔以来,叛乱在尼泊尔历史上并不是一个新主题。阴谋和权力斗争是常见的。在皇室统治时期,宫殿是权力政治的重心,精英们过去常常在宫殿里和周围旋转。这些精英误导了皇室,剥削了贫穷的尼泊尔人。尼泊尔社会内部的深层次分歧在自发发展过程中浮出水面,后来转化为冲突。资源的缺乏、文盲、贫穷和机会的不平等分配给燃烧的冲突造成了灾难性的影响。在国家层面,基于部落、语言和宗教的歧视在社会生活的各个领域都很明显(Subedi, 2010: 72)。毛派叛乱,在十年的时间里,发展得如此之快,以至于近242年的皇室政权都在颤抖。这种衰落的根本原因,无非是人民群众的愿望无法得到满足,旧体制缺乏改革过时的封建社会模式的意愿,以及精英统治体制对普通人的窒息。此外,获取资源和机会的不平等、提供服务的不足、身份和政治意识形态信仰的不公正、无效的治理、不透明的透明度和问责制、不宽容的官僚主义和技术官僚,以及平淡无奇的外交,都是尼泊尔不稳定的原因。人们相信国王Prithvi Narayan Shah可以将尼泊尔在地理上整合为一个国家,但他未能在种族、宗教、语言、阶级和文化的基础上统一这个国家。尼泊尔可以成为一个州,但即使从一体化的日子开始,它也不能成为一个民族。因此,其公民以民族国家形式的情感依恋仍然是碎片化的。危机是衡量人类应对危机的耐力的事件。根据其生存能力和过去的经验,耐力在人与人、社会与社会、民族与民族之间都是不同的。任何一个国家的历史都描述了它应对这种危机的能力,以及衡量其人民中的“民族主义”的能力。“民族主义”的感觉可以在国家危机时期感受到和衡量。当人们在外界感到不安时,他们通常倾向于团结起来。在正常情况下,“民族主义”情绪处于休眠状态。尼泊尔人相对被动、害羞、谦逊、贫穷,但自尊、独立、勤奋。2015年4月25日的大地震危机是对尼泊尔所有领导人重建受损基础设施和支持受害者的严峻考验,但他们未能达成共识,未能调动资源。由于严重的政治化,他们不仅失去了尼泊尔人民的信任,而且在国际社会上失去了信誉。印度次大陆,在它的北侧,有两个国家,尼泊尔和不丹,对印度不构成威胁。另一边是中国,可以被视为对印度的威胁,简单来说可能是一个潜在的竞争对手。两国的整个边境都穿过喜马拉雅山脉的最高海拔,两国之间都有围墙隔开。中印军队之间唯一一次重大的直接冲突发生在1962年,那是一场围绕印度东北部**邦和克什米尔地区高山上边境领土的无果之战。 国际安全及其与国家稳定的相关性在很大程度上受到一个国家地缘政治局势的影响。地缘政治指的是政治、地理、人口和经济之间的关系,尤其是一个国家在该地区采取的外交政策。它决定了整个政府的政策。换句话说,权力关系是由国家的地理位置决定的。地缘政治是在追求国家和国际权力的过程中对地理的政治和战略相关性的研究(Khanal, 2011)。因此,地理位置和自然环境是决定一个国家在全球和地区背景下的国际权力结构的重要因素。地缘战略是地缘政治的一个分支,涉及战略。它表征了影响区域分析的某个地理区域(Dahal, 2009)。为了理解尼泊尔地缘战略的重要性,我们需要了解整个印度次大陆的地理背景。它是一个自给自足的地区,包括印度、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国、尼泊尔和不丹。我们可以称这个次大陆为“自给自足”,因为它是一个四面被复杂地形或海洋隔离的地区。从地缘政治的角度来看,它是一个岛屿(Friedman, 2008)尼泊尔国内的“民族主义”。自从国王普里特维·纳拉扬·沙阿(Prithvi Narayan Shah)整合现在的尼泊尔以来,叛乱在尼泊尔历史上并不是一个新主题。阴谋和权力斗争是常见的。在皇室统治时期,宫殿是权力政治的重心,精英们过去常常在宫殿里和周围旋转。这些精英误导了皇室,剥削了贫穷的尼泊尔人。尼泊尔社会内部的深层次分歧在自发发展过程中浮出水面,后来转化为冲突。资源的缺乏、文盲、贫穷和机会的不平等分配给燃烧的冲突造成了灾难性的影响。在国家层面,基于部落、语言和宗教的歧视在社会生活的各个领域都很明显(Subedi, 2010: 72)。毛派叛乱,在十年的时间里,发展得如此之快,以至于近242年的皇室政权都在颤抖。这种衰落的根本原因,无非是人民群众的愿望无法得到满足,旧体制缺乏改革过时的封建社会模式的意愿,以及精英统治体制对普通人的窒息。此外,获取资源和机会的不平等、提供服务的不足、身份和政治意识形态信仰的不公正、无效的治理、不透明的透明度和问责制、不宽容的官僚主义和技术官僚,以及平淡无奇的外交,都是尼泊尔不稳定的原因。人们相信国王Prithvi Narayan Shah可以将尼泊尔在地理上整合为一个国家,但他未能在种族、宗教、语言、阶级和文化的基础上统一这个国家。尼泊尔可以成为一个州,但即使从一体化的日子开始,它也不能成为一个民族。因此,其公民以民族国家形式的情感依恋仍然是碎片化的。危机是衡量人类应对危机的耐力的事件。根据其生存能力和过去的经验,耐力在人与人、社会与社会、民族与民族之间都是不同的。任何一个国家的历史都描述了它应对这种危机的能力,以及衡量其人民中的“民族主义”的能力。“民族主义”的感觉可以在国家危机时期感受到和衡量。当人们在外界感到不安时,他们通常倾向于团结起来。在正常情况下,“民族主义”情绪处于休眠状态。尼泊尔人相对被动、害羞、谦逊、贫穷,但自尊、独立、勤奋。2015年4月25日的大地震危机是对尼泊尔所有领导人重建受损基础设施和支持受害者的严峻考验,但他们未能达成共识,未能调动资源。由于严重的政治化,他们不仅失去了尼泊尔人民的信任,而且在国际社会上失去了信誉。印度次大陆,在它的北侧,有两个国家,尼泊尔和不丹,对印度不构成威胁。另一边是中国,可以被视为对印度的威胁,简单来说可能是一个潜在的竞争对手。两国的整个边境都穿过喜马拉雅山脉的最高海拔,两国之间都有围墙隔开。中印军队之间唯一一次重大的直接冲突发生在1962年,那是一场围绕印度东北部**邦和克什米尔地区高山上边境领土的无果之战。 尼泊尔的地缘政治维度及其对南亚领土争端的影响的关系仍然活跃,因为中国当局反对莫迪总理最近访问**首都达旺,声称它属于他们的领土。如果西藏局势发生变化,地缘政治可能会发生变化。中国的主要人口中心被缓冲国——满洲、内蒙古、新疆和西藏所包围。只要所有这些邦都在中国手中,中国的核心地区就不会受到陆地攻击。如果西藏独立,如果它与印度结盟,允许印度在其领土上驻扎大量军队,并在那里建立主要的供应基础设施,那么——只有在那时——印度才可能对中国构成威胁。这就是印度长期支持达赖喇嘛和西藏独立运动的原因。如果在西藏建立一个亲印度的独立政府,对中国的威胁将是巨大的。同样地,中国也可能对印度形成同样的威胁,特别是以毛主义共产主义叛乱的形式。印度和尼泊尔的毛派被怀疑得到了北京的支持,尽管中国对激进的毛派失去了兴趣。但中国确实有兴趣保持在尼泊尔的影响力。这可能是中国对印度西藏政策的反击。对北京来说,利用尼泊尔作为入侵印度的基地同样困难和毫无意义。目前,中印之间不存在地缘政治敌意。然而,如果这种敌意在遥远的将来发生,这些将成为摩擦点。美印关系目前的发展,为美国提供后勤基地,游说印度加入核供应国集团,支持获得MTCR,肯定会惹恼中国和巴基斯坦。也许,美国可能会被鼓励通过印度来对抗中国在南海和印度洋的自信军事姿态,这就是为什么美国支持印度加入核供应国集团,尽管印度也没有签署核不扩散条约。为清洁能源加入核供应国集团的理由可能是可以接受的,但获得MTCR是不同的。向美国提供后勤基地也是邻国争论的问题。地区大国和超级大国之间的友好关系是值得赞赏的,但合作对抗邻近的全球大国可能会鼓励敌对行动。作为报复,如果中国通过在印度的任何南亚邻国的军事存在采取强硬立场,将对整个地区的安全与稳定造成毁灭性打击。因此,印度和中国在做出任何可能破坏该地区稳定的决定时,都必须保持克制和谨慎。同样,尼泊尔也应该认识到其在喜马拉雅地区在中亚和南亚地区之间的关键地位。它的地理位置为印度特别是其恒河带的安全形成了一个关键的地缘战略环境;向北是敏感的中国西藏自治区的存在;这使得尼泊尔的地位更具战略性(Khanal, 2011)。鉴于此,尼泊尔需要认真制定符合两个邻国利益的外交政策。与此同时,利用尼泊尔的地缘战略环境,促进两国经济增长的自身利益将是一个明智的选择。由于印度和新兴的世界大国中国,多年来全球对南亚和印度洋的关注有所增加。尽管如此,另一个世界大国在该地区也有利害关系,那就是美国。在过去的一个世纪里,它是世界上占主导地位的大国,是一个积极的伙伴,在阿富汗、巴基斯坦地区和现在的中东地区发动了一场尚未完成的反恐战争。尽管它在太平洋继续占据主导地位,但它仍在继续对南亚施加压力,以平衡中国在该地区的影响力。事实上,作为印支直接管辖的两个核大国和巴基斯坦之间的缓冲地带,尼泊尔正优先获得地区和全球大国的外援。这基本上是为了在制定公共政策和确定优先事项方面施加影响。行政当局的弱点、本土创意的贫乏以及在发展融资方面严重依赖捐助者,使政府倾向于捐助者。它削弱了政府和官僚机构的民主权威,从而削弱了国家为公众利益而工作的能力。尼泊尔政府未能维护援助国的利益。对尼泊尔方面来说,保持平衡,不不惜任何代价损害自己的国家利益是一个敏感问题。力量平衡对维持稳定非常重要。威慑效应本身控制着彼此。 尼泊尔的地缘政治维度及其对南亚领土争端的影响的关系仍然活跃,因为中国当局反对莫迪总理最近访问**首都达旺,声称它属于他们的领土。如果西藏局势发生变化,地缘政治可能会发生变化。中国的主要人口中心被缓冲国——满洲、内蒙古、新疆和西藏所包围。只要所有这些邦都在中国手中,中国的核心地区就不会受到陆地攻击。如果西藏独立,如果它与印度结盟,允许印度在其领土上驻扎大量军队,并在那里建立主要的供应基础设施,那么——只有在那时——印度才可能对中国构成威胁。这就是印度长期支持达赖喇嘛和西藏独立运动的原因。如果在西藏建立一个亲印度的独立政府,对中国的威胁将是巨大的。同样地,中国也可能对印度形成同样的威胁,特别是以毛主义共产主义叛乱的形式。印度和尼泊尔的毛派被怀疑得到了北京的支持,尽管中国对激进的毛派失去了兴趣。但中国确实有兴趣保持在尼泊尔的影响力。这可能是中国对印度西藏政策的反击。对北京来说,利用尼泊尔作为入侵印度的基地同样困难和毫无意义。目前,中印之间不存在地缘政治敌意。然而,如果这种敌意在遥远的将来发生,这些将成为摩擦点。美印关系目前的发展,为美国提供后勤基地,游说印度加入核供应国集团,支持获得MTCR,肯定会惹恼中国和巴基斯坦。也许,美国可能会被鼓励通过印度来对抗中国在南海和印度洋的自信军事姿态,这就是为什么美国支持印度加入核供应国集团,尽管印度也没有签署核不扩散条约。为清洁能源加入核供应国集团的理由可能是可以接受的,但获得MTCR是不同的。向美国提供后勤基地也是邻国争论的问题。地区大国和超级大国之间的友好关系是值得赞赏的,但合作对抗邻近的全球大国可能会鼓励敌对行动。作为报复,如果中国通过在印度的任何南亚邻国的军事存在采取强硬立场,将对整个地区的安全与稳定造成毁灭性打击。因此,印度和中国在做出任何可能破坏该地区稳定的决定时,都必须保持克制和谨慎。同样,尼泊尔也应该认识到其在喜马拉雅地区在中亚和南亚地区之间的关键地位。它的地理位置为印度特别是其恒河带的安全形成了一个关键的地缘战略环境;向北是敏感的中国西藏自治区的存在;这使得尼泊尔的地位更具战略性(Khanal, 2011)。鉴于此,尼泊尔需要认真制定符合两个邻国利益的外交政策。与此同时,利用尼泊尔的地缘战略环境,促进两国经济增长的自身利益将是一个明智的选择。由于印度和新兴的世界大国中国,多年来全球对南亚和印度洋的关注有所增加。尽管如此,另一个世界大国在该地区也有利害关系,那就是美国。在过去的一个世纪里,它是世界上占主导地位的大国,是一个积极的伙伴,在阿富汗、巴基斯坦地区和现在的中东地区发动了一场尚未完成的反恐战争。尽管它在太平洋继续占据主导地位,但它仍在继续对南亚施加压力,以平衡中国在该地区的影响力。事实上,作为印支直接管辖的两个核大国和巴基斯坦之间的缓冲地带,尼泊尔正优先获得地区和全球大国的外援。这基本上是为了在制定公共政策和确定优先事项方面施加影响。行政当局的弱点、本土创意的贫乏以及在发展融资方面严重依赖捐助者,使政府倾向于捐助者。它削弱了政府和官僚机构的民主权威,从而削弱了国家为公众利益而工作的能力。尼泊尔政府未能维护援助国的利益。对尼泊尔方面来说,保持平衡,不不惜任何代价损害自己的国家利益是一个敏感问题。力量平衡对维持稳定非常重要。威慑效应本身控制着彼此。 战争的后果对国家来说是毁灭性的——所以权力平衡本身就是关键 战争的后果对国家来说是毁灭性的——所以权力平衡本身就是关键
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Geopolitical Dimension of Nepal and its Impact in South Asia
International security and its relevancy to nation’s stability are heavily influenced by the geo-political situation of a country. By geo-politics, it is a relationship among politics, geography, demography, and economics–especially in respect to foreign policy adopted by a nation within the region. It dictates the overall governmental policies. In other words, the power relationship is dictated by the geographic location of the country. Geo-politics is the study of the political and strategic relevance of geography in a pursuit to national and international power (Khanal, 2011). So, the location and the physical environment are important factors to decide international power structure of a nation in the global as well as in regional context. Geo-strategy is a branch of geo-politics that deals with strategy. It characterizes a certain geographic area that affects the analysis of a region (Dahal, 2009). In order to understand the importance of geo-strategy of Nepal, we need to understand geographical context of the Indian subcontinent as a whole. It is a self-contained region that includes India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan. We may call the subcontinent “self-contained” because it is a region that is isolated on all sides by difficult terrain or by ocean. In geopolitical terms it is– an island (Friedman, 2008) ‘Nationalism’ within the State of Nepal The rebellion is not a new subject in the Nepali history since the integration of present Nepal by king Prithvi Narayan Shah. The conspiracy and struggle for power are common. During royal regime– the palace was the center of gravity for power politics and the elites used to revolve in and around the palace. These elites misguided the royalty and exploited the poor Nepali. The deep-rooted differences within the Nepali society surfaced at the spontaneous process of development have later transformed into the conflict. The scarcity of the resources, illiteracy, poverty and unequal distribution of opportunity have created a catastrophic effect to burn conflict. At the state level– discrimination based on tribe, language and the religion was distinct in all sectors of social life (Subedi, 2010: 72). 64 Journal of International Affairs Vol. 1, No. 1, 2016 The Maoist rebellion, in a decade time–geared-up so fast that almost 242 year’s old royal regime trembled. The very reason for this down fall was nothing other than the inability to meet the popular aspiration of the people, lack of willingness of the old structure to reform the outdated feudalistic mode of society and suffocation of normal people from elite ruling system. In addition, the inequality in access to resources and opportunities, inadequate service delivery, injustice to the identities and political ideological beliefs, ineffective governance, inept transparency and accountability, intolerant bureaucracy and technocracy as well as insipid diplomacy can be blamed for instability in Nepal. It is believed that King Prithvi Narayan Shah could integrate Nepal geographically to one state but he failed to unite the country on the basis of ethnicity, religion, language, class, and culture. Nepal could become a state but it could not become a nation even from the days of its integration. Hence, emotional attachment of its citizen in the form of nation-state remained fragmented. Crisis is an event that measures human endurance to tackle it. The endurance differs from person to person, society to society and nation to nation based on its survivability and past experiences. History of any nation depicts its ability to cope up such crisis and also to measuring the ‘nationalism’ among its people. The feeling of ‘nationalism’ can be felt and gauged at the time of national crisis. The people generally tend to unite when they feel insecure from outside. In normal situation, the feeling of ‘nationalism’ remains dormant. Nepalis are relatively passive, shy, humble and poor but self-esteemed, independent and hard-working. The crisis of last Mega-Earthquake of April 25, 2015 was the acid test for all Nepali leaders to reconstruct the damaged infrastructures and support to the victimsbut they failed to garner consensus and mobilize the resources. Due to severe politicization, they not only loosed the trust of Nepali peoplebut also they are discredited in the international community. Regional Power Balance The Indian subcontinent, on its northern side of the mountain wall–there is two countries, Nepal and Bhutan, which pose no threat to India. On the other side lies China which can be considered threat to India, and in simplistic word may be a potential rival. Their entire frontier runs through the highest elevations of the Himalayas and both are walled off from each other. The only major direct clash between Indian and Chinese forces, which occurred in 1962, was an inconclusive battle over border territories high in the mountains–both in the northeast Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh and the Kashmir region. The relation over the 65 Geopolitical Dimension of Nepaland Its Impact in South Asia territorial dispute is still active as Chinese authority opposed the recent visit of PM NarendraModi to Arunachal Pradesh capital Tawangclaiming that it belongs to their territory. A potential geopolitical shift would be there if the situation in Tibet is changed. China’s main population centers are surrounded by buffer states–Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang and Tibet. As long as all these states are in Chinese hands, the core of China is invulnerable to land attack. If, Tibet becomes independent, and if it allies with India, so as it permits India to base substantial forces in its territory and to build major supply infrastructure there, then–and only then–India could be a threat to China. This is why India for a long time advocated for Dalai Lama and Tibetan independence movements. If a pro-Indian, independent government be installed in Tibet–the threat to China would be significant. Similarly, China may develop equivalent threats to India–particularly in the form of Maoist communist insurgencies. Indian as well as Nepali Maoists has been suspected on getting support by Beijing though China has lost interest in aggressive Maoism. But it does have an interest in maintaining influence in Nepal. This may be China’s counter to India’s Tibet policy. Using Nepal as a base from which to invade India would be similarly difficult and pointless for Beijing. At the moment, there is no Indo-Chinese geopolitical hostility. However, these would be points of friction if such hostility were to occur in the distant future. The present development in US-India relations to provide logistics base to the US, lobbying India for membership in NSG and support to acquire MTCR will definitely annoy China and Pakistan. Perhaps, the USA might be encouraged to counter China’s assertive military posture in South China Sea and Indian Ocean through India that is why it is supporting India for NSG although it has not signed Non Proliferation Treaty as well. The justification for membership in NSG for clean energy may be acceptable but acquiring MTCR is different. Logistics base to the US is also matter of debate to the neighbors. A cordial relation between regional power and super power is much appreciable but collaboration against neighboring global power will possibly encourage hostilities. In retaliation, if China adopts assertive position through military presence in any of the neighboring South Asian country to Indiait will be devastating to security and stability for the entire region. So, India as well as China must restraint and careful when they opt for any decision that may destabilize the region. 66 Journal of International Affairs Vol. 1, No. 1, 2016 Equally, Nepal should also realize its pivotal position in the Himalayas between the Central and South Asian Region. Its geographical position forms a critical geo-strategic setting for the security of India especially to its Gangatic belt; and to the North–existence of the sensitive Tibet–Autonomous Region of China; which has made Nepal’s position more strategic (Khanal, 2011). In view of this, Nepal needs to formulate its foreign policy satisfying both the neighbors’ interest carefully. At the same time, promoting own interest from growing economies of both the countries will be a wise part to use geo-strategic setting for Nepal. Nepal-Compounded by Three Nuclear Powers The global focus on South Asia and the Indian Ocean has increased over the years due to India and the emerging world power China. In spite of this, another world power has its stakes in the region that is USA. It is the dominant world power for the past century which is an active partner waging an unfinished war on terror in the AfghanistanPakistan region and now in Middle-East. Despite of its continued dominance in the Pacific-it is continuously exerting pressure on South Asia equally so as to balance China in this region. In fact, being buffer between two nuclear powers directly under Indo-China domain and Pakistan in near distance–Nepal is getting priority on foreign aid from regional as well as global powers. This is basically to influence in formulating public policies and setting priorities. The weaknesses of the executive authority, the poverty of homegrown ideas and heavy reliance on donors for financing development has made government prone to donors. It has crippled both the democratic authority of the government and the bureaucracy, thereby weakening the ability of the state to work in the public interest. The Nepali state has failed to assert itself over the donors’ interests. It is a sensitive issue on the part of Nepali side to remain in balance for not to compromise on its own national interest at any cost. The balance of power is very important to maintain stability. The deterrence effect itself controls one to another. The consequences of war are devastating for the nations–so the power equilibrium itself is the in
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