美国原住民叙事的方法论方法与表演的角色

Randall T. Hill
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These scholars were primarily interested in, first, discovering emergent patterns in Native discourse through documentation and, 118 American Indian Quarterly/Winter 1997/Vol. 21(1) This content downloaded from 157.55.39.120 on Mon, 05 Sep 2016 06:19:32 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The Role of Performance secondly, relating those patterns to the mental processes of Native peoples by speculating on the functions of mythic narratives within Native cultures. Thus they are equally considered the founders of both translation theory and myth theory of Native stories. Their influences on contemporary translation theory are apparent in the work of such scholars as Dennis Tedlock, Dell Hymes, and Larry Evers. Tedlock, Hymes and Evers limit themselves to linguistic and ethnographic research programs that result in an \"ethnopoetics of native texts\" (Tedlock 1983:4). Performance figures prominently in the work of these ethnographers of performance, but as a problem to be solved by codifying verbal and non-verbal behaviors in writing rather than as a guiding metaphor through which they approach the literatures of Native Americans. Their research is not under indictment here-they make possible the reading/hearing of Native texts by non-Native people and their work also takes performance as the object of inquiry. The structuralist-social scientific scholars, including Schoolcraft, Boas, and LUvi-Strauss, collected narratives that would perhaps otherwise be lost to today's scholars. Their methods, though, in many ways occluded the object of their investigation. They did not fully acknowledge translator biases, and they failed to recognize that the telling of the tale to a collaborator or amanuensis constituted a performance. There is no particular focus on the role of performance in the tales told or on performance in the lifeways of the people. Archetypal-Mythic Criticism While Schoolcraft, Boas and LUvi-Strauss each produced critical essays on myths and their cultural implications, the contemporary body of literature focusing on myths and archetypes in Native American narratives is significantly larger and more complex. These scholars examine mythic characters (Radin 1956), types (Feldman 1965), themes (Lowie 1908; Waterman 1914; Dundes 1984), values (Spencer 1957), cultural functions of myths (Jacobs 1959, 1985; Stern 1956a; 1956b; 1956c), relationships between myth and religion (Allen 1974; Ramsey 1977), and archetypes (Jung 1956; Sevillano 1986). While these terms of analysis are neither exhaustive nor mutually exclusive, they help serve as categories to examine selected critical readings. Archetypal and myth critics assume that understanding the relationship between myth and cultures is critical. While myth perpetuates culture, explains spiritual and material phenomena (paralogisms), and offers cosmogonic narratives (frames for Native American worldviews), when these scholars attempt to explain how myths change, adapt, and expand, a focus on performance emerges. The procedures of these scholars initially involved analysis of previously collected myths/stories-an interpretive ethnography of extant material. For example, Radin, a Boasian disciple, examines translated versions of trickster myths among the Winnebagos of Wisconsin and Nebraska as well as Assiniboine and Tlingit tribes. He compares these tribal tricksters with several other trickster cycles. 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Performance figures prominently in the work of these ethnographers of performance, but as a problem to be solved by codifying verbal and non-verbal behaviors in writing rather than as a guiding metaphor through which they approach the literatures of Native Americans. Their research is not under indictment here-they make possible the reading/hearing of Native texts by non-Native people and their work also takes performance as the object of inquiry. The structuralist-social scientific scholars, including Schoolcraft, Boas, and LUvi-Strauss, collected narratives that would perhaps otherwise be lost to today's scholars. Their methods, though, in many ways occluded the object of their investigation. They did not fully acknowledge translator biases, and they failed to recognize that the telling of the tale to a collaborator or amanuensis constituted a performance. There is no particular focus on the role of performance in the tales told or on performance in the lifeways of the people. 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引用次数: 12

摘要

直到一个人留下了一个看似不可调和的一对,然后被第三个术语“调解”,这个术语出现在叙事中,用于“颠倒”原来的二元。因此,神话思想“提供了一种能够克服矛盾的逻辑模型”。李维-施特劳斯尤其关注叙事的循环结构,从而忽略或淡化了个别表演者特定表演的特殊性。迄今为止所回顾的所有理论与方法,包括斯库拉夫特的心因进化论、鲍亚士的文化人类学,以及李维-施特劳斯的结构人类学,都涉及建构文本,然后在口头意义理论的基础上分析它们。这些学者主要感兴趣的是,首先,通过文献发现土著话语中的新兴模式,118美国印第安人季刊/ 1997年冬季/卷。表演的作用其次,通过推测土著文化中神话叙事的功能,将这些模式与土著人民的心理过程联系起来。因此,他们被认为是土著故事翻译理论和神话理论的奠基人。他们对当代翻译理论的影响在丹尼斯·泰德洛克、戴尔·海姆斯和拉里·埃弗斯等学者的著作中是显而易见的。泰德洛克、海因斯和埃弗斯将自己局限于语言和民族志研究项目,这些项目导致了“土著文本的民族诗学”(泰德洛克1983:4)。表演在这些研究表演的民族志学家的工作中占有重要地位,但作为一个需要通过编纂文字中的语言和非语言行为来解决的问题,而不是作为他们研究美洲原住民文学的指导性隐喻。他们的研究在这里并没有受到指责——他们使非土著人民阅读/听到土著文本成为可能,他们的工作也把表演作为探究的对象。结构主义-社会科学学者,包括斯库尔克拉夫特、鲍亚士和路易-施特劳斯,收集的叙事可能会被今天的学者所遗失。然而,他们的方法在很多方面掩盖了他们的调查对象。他们没有完全承认译者的偏见,也没有意识到向合作者或抄写者讲述故事构成了一种表演。没有特别关注表演在故事中的作用,也没有特别关注表演在人们生活中的作用。尽管斯库尔克拉夫特、鲍亚士和路易-施特劳斯都发表了关于神话及其文化含义的评论文章,但当代关注美洲原住民叙事中的神话和原型的文学作品要大得多,也要复杂得多。这些学者研究神话人物(Radin 1956),类型(Feldman 1965),主题(Lowie 1908;沃特曼1914;Dundes 1984),价值观(Spencer 1957),神话的文化功能(Jacobs 1959, 1985;1956年斯特恩;1956 b;1956c),神话与宗教之间的关系(Allen 1974;Ramsey 1977)和原型(Jung 1956;Sevillano 1986)。虽然这些分析术语既不是详尽的,也不是相互排斥的,但它们有助于作为检查选定的关键读物的类别。原型和神话评论家认为,理解神话和文化之间的关系是至关重要的。虽然神话延续了文化,解释了精神和物质现象(谬误推理),并提供了宇宙起源的叙述(印第安人世界观的框架),但当这些学者试图解释神话如何变化、适应和扩展时,对表演的关注就出现了。这些学者的研究程序最初涉及对先前收集的神话/故事的分析——对现存材料的解释性民族志。例如,作为博亚细亚的弟子,雷丁研究了威斯康辛州和内布拉斯加州的温尼巴戈人以及阿西尼博因和特林吉特部落的骗子神话的翻译版本。他将这些部落骗子与其他几个骗子周期进行了比较。美国印第安人季刊/ 1997年冬季/卷。21(1) 119此内容于2016年9月5日星期一06:19:32 UTC从157.55.39.120下载
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Methodological Approaches to Native American Narrative and the Role of Performance
ed until one is left with a seemingly irreconcilable pair-which is then "mediated" by a third term presented in the narrative that serves to "invert" the original binary. Thus, mythical thought serves to "provide a logical model capable of overcoming contradictions." Livi-Strauss, particularly, focuses on the recurrent structures of the narratives and thus ignores or downplays the particularities of specific performances by individual performers. All of the theorists and methods reviewed thus far-Schoolcraft's psychogenic evolutionism, Boas' cultural anthropology, and Livi-Strauss' structural anthropology-involve constructing texts and then analyzing them on the basis of oral theories of meaning. These scholars were primarily interested in, first, discovering emergent patterns in Native discourse through documentation and, 118 American Indian Quarterly/Winter 1997/Vol. 21(1) This content downloaded from 157.55.39.120 on Mon, 05 Sep 2016 06:19:32 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The Role of Performance secondly, relating those patterns to the mental processes of Native peoples by speculating on the functions of mythic narratives within Native cultures. Thus they are equally considered the founders of both translation theory and myth theory of Native stories. Their influences on contemporary translation theory are apparent in the work of such scholars as Dennis Tedlock, Dell Hymes, and Larry Evers. Tedlock, Hymes and Evers limit themselves to linguistic and ethnographic research programs that result in an "ethnopoetics of native texts" (Tedlock 1983:4). Performance figures prominently in the work of these ethnographers of performance, but as a problem to be solved by codifying verbal and non-verbal behaviors in writing rather than as a guiding metaphor through which they approach the literatures of Native Americans. Their research is not under indictment here-they make possible the reading/hearing of Native texts by non-Native people and their work also takes performance as the object of inquiry. The structuralist-social scientific scholars, including Schoolcraft, Boas, and LUvi-Strauss, collected narratives that would perhaps otherwise be lost to today's scholars. Their methods, though, in many ways occluded the object of their investigation. They did not fully acknowledge translator biases, and they failed to recognize that the telling of the tale to a collaborator or amanuensis constituted a performance. There is no particular focus on the role of performance in the tales told or on performance in the lifeways of the people. Archetypal-Mythic Criticism While Schoolcraft, Boas and LUvi-Strauss each produced critical essays on myths and their cultural implications, the contemporary body of literature focusing on myths and archetypes in Native American narratives is significantly larger and more complex. These scholars examine mythic characters (Radin 1956), types (Feldman 1965), themes (Lowie 1908; Waterman 1914; Dundes 1984), values (Spencer 1957), cultural functions of myths (Jacobs 1959, 1985; Stern 1956a; 1956b; 1956c), relationships between myth and religion (Allen 1974; Ramsey 1977), and archetypes (Jung 1956; Sevillano 1986). While these terms of analysis are neither exhaustive nor mutually exclusive, they help serve as categories to examine selected critical readings. Archetypal and myth critics assume that understanding the relationship between myth and cultures is critical. While myth perpetuates culture, explains spiritual and material phenomena (paralogisms), and offers cosmogonic narratives (frames for Native American worldviews), when these scholars attempt to explain how myths change, adapt, and expand, a focus on performance emerges. The procedures of these scholars initially involved analysis of previously collected myths/stories-an interpretive ethnography of extant material. For example, Radin, a Boasian disciple, examines translated versions of trickster myths among the Winnebagos of Wisconsin and Nebraska as well as Assiniboine and Tlingit tribes. He compares these tribal tricksters with several other trickster cycles. American Indian Quarterly/Winter 1997/Vol. 21(1) 119 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.120 on Mon, 05 Sep 2016 06:19:32 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
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