设想土著政府的宪法空间

IF 0.3 Q3 LAW
Kent McNeil
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引用次数: 13

摘要

当最高法院判决斯派洛一案时,它本可以解释宪法第35条,赋予土著人民对土著和条约权利的绝对权力,这是议会和各省都无法超越的权力。相反,法院对第35条的解释是,如果议会可以通过严格的检验证明侵权是正当的,那么议会仍然可以侵犯土著居民的权利。麦克尼尔教授认为,这种解释与其说源于宪法文本,不如说是源于英国宪法中关于议会主权和法治的概念。他认为,法院维持了议会调节土著权利的权力,因为它将这些宪法概念与土著政府和法律没有有效调节这些权利的假设结合在一起。最高法院的隐隐约约的担心是,如果将第35条解释为排除所有联邦管理权力,将会造成无法容忍的法律真空。然而,作者认为,为了使加拿大宪法非殖民化,我们必须重新定义议会主权和法治,以包括土著政府和法律,这可以填补第35条提供的宪法空间,避免法院担心的真空。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Envisaging Constitutional Space for Aboriginal Governments
When the Supreme Court decided Sparrow, it could have interpreted s. 35 of the Constitution to give Aboriginal peoples absolute power over Aboriginal and treaty rights, a power which neither Parliament nor the Provinces could trump. Instead, the Court interpreted s. 35 to mean that Parliament could still infringe Aboriginal rights if the infringement could be justified by a strict test. Professor McNeil suggests that this interpretation does not originate in the constitutional text so much as in the British constitutional concepts of Parliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law. He argues that the Court maintained Parliament's power to regulate Aboriginal rights because it combined these constitutional concepts with an assumption that these rights are not effectively regulated by Aboriginal governments and laws. The Court's unarticulated fear was that an intolerable legal vacuum would be created if s. 35 was interpreted as excluding all federal regulatory power. The author argues, however, that to decolonize Canadian constitutional law, we must redefine Parliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law to include Aboriginal governments and laws, which could fill the constitutional space that s. 35 provided and avoid the vacuum that the Court feared.
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