印太共识:印度对该地区愿景的过去、现在和未来

Shruti Pandalai
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引用次数: 0

摘要

印度-太平洋的概念既不新鲜也不反常,这一观点使新德里接受了这一地缘政治现实,并明确了自己在这一充满活力的舞台上的核心角色和愿景。在新德里的理解中,这种对历史的回顾之所以发生,是因为全球化、多极化等驱动因素,以及美国认识到它需要与其他国家合作,以应对中国的破坏性崛起,以及其他全球挑战。考虑到印度的地理位置,印度的利益和利害关系主要在印度洋,越来越多地在太平洋,其双边伙伴关系在该地区看到了共同利益,印度在跨越两大洋的现有印度-太平洋机构中的存在,以及印度作为印度-太平洋地区许多国家的网络安全和首选海上安全伙伴的作用日益增强,印度一直认为自己是印度-太平洋地区的参与者。本文追溯了印度-太平洋地区在新德里战略考量中的演变,及其作为地缘战略和地缘经济机遇舞台的卓越地位。报告认为,目前印太地区出现了三种明显的趋势,这些趋势是当今印太地区合作的基石,对印度来说尤其如此:(a)由职能驱动的基于问题的联盟,其中这些配置的灵活性仍然是一项战略资产;(b)志同道合的国家在重叠的双边;以多边和诸边形式扩大全球倡议,使其在地区志同道合的大国的国家议程中制度化;(c)集中精力建设印度-太平洋地区国家的能力,为它们提供可行的替代方案,超越围绕意识形态和政治争论形成的二元对立。2019冠状病毒病后,巩固印度在印太地区的方式将取决于印度如何加强其国内能力,并在区域和全球层面塑造地缘政治。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Indo-Pacific Consensus: The Past, Present and Future of India’s Vision for the Region
The view that the concept of the Indo-Pacific is not new nor an aberration has anchored New Delhi’s embrace of this geopolitical reality and the articulation of its central role and vision for this dynamic theatre. This revisiting of history has happened, in New Delhi’s understanding, because of drivers such as globalisation, multipolarity and a recognition by the United States that it needs to work with others to manage the disruptive rise of China, among other global challenges. India has always considered itself an Indo-Pacific actor, given its geographical location, its interests and stakes primarily in the Indian Ocean and increasingly in the pacific, its bilateral partnerships which then see a shared interest in the region, its presence in existent Indo-Pacific bodies spanning the two oceans and its growing role as a provider of net security and preferred maritime security partner for many countries in the Indo-Pacific. This article traces the evolution of the Indo-Pacific in New Delhi’s strategic calculus and its pre-eminence as a theatre of geo-strategic and geo-economic opportunity. It argues that three trends have emerged as distinguishable features, which serve as building blocks of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific today, especially for India: (a) issue-based coalitions driven by function, where flexibility of these configurations remains a strategic asset, (b) like-minded countries working together in overlapping bilateral, minilateral and plurilateral formats to expand global initiatives in a way that they are institutionalised within the national agendas of regional like-minded powers and (c) a focused effort on building capacity of countries in the Indo-Pacific to give them viable alternatives which go beyond binaries formed around ideological and political contestation. Post COVID-19, consolidating the India way in the Indo-Pacific will depend on how India strengthens its domestic capacity and shapes geopolitics at the regional and global levels.
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