评“亚太地区收入和财富不平等:趋势、原因和政策补救”

IF 4.5 3区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS
Bjorn Gustafsson
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However, it does not attempt to address how inequality at the household level in Asia as an entity has developed.</p><p>For some years a literature studying how household income inequality from a global perspective has evolved. In a recent contribution, Milanovic (<span>2022</span>) reports that the Gini coefficient at the household level for income in Asia as a whole decreased from 59% in 2008 to 55% in 2013, a rather large decrease over a short period.</p><p>It can be claimed that the evolution of income inequality in Asia during the most recent years does not at most, have to do with how inequality within countries has evolved. Instead the main factor is how the average incomes in various countries have changed. For example average income in China and in India has increased more rapidly than in Asia's high-income countries like Japan. As a consequence the middle classes in China and India have grown. On this see, for example, Sicular <i>et al</i>. (<span>2022</span>) who define the “global middle class” as being neither poor nor rich if the people are living in the developed world. In 2018 China's global middle class constituted not less than 25% of China's population and the middle class in India was estimated to 6% of its population. The absolute size of the Chinese middle class was in 2018 nearly double the size of the global middle class in the USA and similar in size to that in Europe.</p><p>My second comment relates to if we should care about rising inequality. Zhuang touches on this issue in his concluding section and refers to the literature on the inequality of opportunity (IOp). A point of departure taken in this literature is that public policy better not try to counteract inequality that is due to effort, but it should focus on inequality due conditions individuals cannot affect (circumstances). 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引用次数: 2

摘要

庄(2023)在涉及问题、国家和文学时涵盖了大量的领域。后一种情况是,参考文献清单包括100多个标题。我的第一个评论是,庄的论文实际上并没有像标题所说的那样。一方面,空间覆盖范围比标题所暗示的要广。它涵盖了澳大利亚和新西兰,它们通常不被视为亚洲的一部分。更重要的是,由于没有将亚洲的收入和财富不平等作为一个单位,覆盖范围更窄。诚然,本文论述了亚洲国家不平等的发展及其可能的原因。然而,它并没有试图解决亚洲作为一个实体在家庭层面上的不平等是如何发展的。几年来,从全球角度研究家庭收入不平等是如何演变的文献。在最近的一份报告中,Milanovic(2022)报告称,整个亚洲家庭收入的基尼系数从2008年的59%下降到2013年的55%,在短期内下降幅度相当大。可以说,最近几年亚洲收入不平等的演变与国家内部的不平等如何演变无关。相反,主要因素是各国的平均收入发生了怎样的变化。例如,中国和印度的平均收入增长速度快于日本等亚洲高收入国家。因此,中国和印度的中产阶级都在增长。例如,Siculal等人(2022)将“全球中产阶级”定义为,如果人们生活在发达国家,那么他们既不贫穷也不富裕。2018年,中国的全球中产阶级占中国人口的比例不低于25%,印度的中产阶级估计占其人口的6%。2018年,中国中产阶级的绝对规模几乎是美国全球中产阶级规模的两倍,与欧洲的规模相似。我的第二个评论涉及我们是否应该关心日益加剧的不平等。庄在结论部分谈到了这个问题,并参考了关于机会不平等的文献。这篇文献中的一个出发点是,公共政策最好不要试图抵消由于努力造成的不平等,而是应该关注个人无法影响的不平等条件(环境)。大多数旨在量化IOp的实证文献都涉及高收入国家,但目前也有一些关于中国的论文。例如,杨等人(2021)表明,2002年至2013年间,尤其是2013年至2018年间,中国的IOp有所下降。2002年,IOp的主要贡献者是出生时的地区和户口类型。然而,在2018年,这些情况的贡献有所减少,但父母的教育贡献有所增加。这项研究还发现,年龄较大的出生队列的IOp高于年龄较小的出生队列。我的第三点意见与数据情况有关。一个重要的问题是数据在不同国家和时间之间的可比性。几十年来,卢森堡一直在努力协调卢森堡收入调查中不同国家的收入调查数据。从高收入国家开始,现在越来越多的国家被纳入数据库。如今,LIS拥有来自以下亚洲国家的数据:中国、印度、以色列、日本、老挝、巴勒斯坦、韩国、台湾和越南。因此,LIS数据覆盖了略高于亚洲总人口的70%。人们预计,通过更深入地使用LIS数据,可以在本文件之外取得进展。我最后的评论涉及研究如何代表不平等及其变化。今天,人们普遍意识到,在许多情况下,仅通过一个指数的数值来总结不平等程度是不可取的。也许未来可以通过考虑特定家庭的多个维度来取得更多进展,例如,参见Fischer等人对美国的研究。(2022)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Comment on “Income and Wealth Inequality in Asia and the Pacific: Trends, Causes, and Policy Remedies”

Zhuang (2023) covers a large amount of ground when it comes to issues, countries, and literature. The latter is indicated by the fact that the list of references includes more than one hundred titles.

My first comment is that Zhuang's paper actually does not do what the title originally indicates. On one side, the spatial coverage is broader than suggested by the title. It covers Australia and New Zealand, that usually are not considered parts of Asia. More importantly, the coverage is narrower as it does not treat income and wealth inequality in Asia as a unit. True the paper deals with the development of inequality in Asian countries and its possible causes. However, it does not attempt to address how inequality at the household level in Asia as an entity has developed.

For some years a literature studying how household income inequality from a global perspective has evolved. In a recent contribution, Milanovic (2022) reports that the Gini coefficient at the household level for income in Asia as a whole decreased from 59% in 2008 to 55% in 2013, a rather large decrease over a short period.

It can be claimed that the evolution of income inequality in Asia during the most recent years does not at most, have to do with how inequality within countries has evolved. Instead the main factor is how the average incomes in various countries have changed. For example average income in China and in India has increased more rapidly than in Asia's high-income countries like Japan. As a consequence the middle classes in China and India have grown. On this see, for example, Sicular et al. (2022) who define the “global middle class” as being neither poor nor rich if the people are living in the developed world. In 2018 China's global middle class constituted not less than 25% of China's population and the middle class in India was estimated to 6% of its population. The absolute size of the Chinese middle class was in 2018 nearly double the size of the global middle class in the USA and similar in size to that in Europe.

My second comment relates to if we should care about rising inequality. Zhuang touches on this issue in his concluding section and refers to the literature on the inequality of opportunity (IOp). A point of departure taken in this literature is that public policy better not try to counteract inequality that is due to effort, but it should focus on inequality due conditions individuals cannot affect (circumstances). Most of the empirical literature aiming to quantify IOp concerns high-income countries but by now there are some papers on China. For example, Yang et al. (2021) show that between 2002 and 2013 and especially between 2013 and 2018 IOp in China declined. In 2002 the large contributors to IOp were region and hukou type at birth. However, in 2018 the contributions of those circumstances had decreased, but that of parents' education had increased. This study also finds that IOp is higher for older than younger birth cohorts.

My third comment relates to the data situation. An important issue is how comparable the data is across countries and time. For several decades there have been ambitious efforts to harmonize survey data on income for different countries in the Luxembourg Income Survey (LIS). Starting with high-income countries, now more and more countries have been included in the databank. Today LIS has data from the following Asian countries: China, India, Israel, Japan, Laos, Palestine, South Korea, Taiwan, and Vietnam. Thus, the LIS data covers slightly more than 70% of Asia's total population. One would expect that progress beyond the present paper can be made by using LIS data more intensively.

My last comment relates to how research represents inequality and its changes. Today there is a large awareness that in many cases it is not advisable to summarize the degree of inequality through the numerical value of only one index. Perhaps more progress can be made in the future by considering more than one dimension for a particular household, see, for example, the study on the USA by Fischer et al. (2022).

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来源期刊
CiteScore
12.90
自引率
2.60%
发文量
39
期刊介绍: The goal of the Asian Economic Policy Review is to become an intellectual voice on the current issues of international economics and economic policy, based on comprehensive and in-depth analyses, with a primary focus on Asia. Emphasis is placed on identifying key issues at the time - spanning international trade, international finance, the environment, energy, the integration of regional economies and other issues - in order to furnish ideas and proposals to contribute positively to the policy debate in the region.
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