重新评估美国众议院选举的竞争和投票率

IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE
Daniel J. Moskowitz, Benjamin Schneer
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引用次数: 14

摘要

选举竞争力是否会提高美国众议院选举的投票率?使用从所有50个州的选民档案中汇编的一组投票率记录,我们利用2012年重新划分选区周期引起的地区竞争力的变化,对竞争力对投票率的影响提供可信的估计。当在不同竞争水平下追踪同一时间段的选民时,我们准确估计对投票率的影响接近于零。尽管过去的横断面研究报告了竞争力与众议院选举投票率之间的联系,但我们证明,在与投票率相关的一些可观察到的特征上,竞争激烈地区的居民与缺乏竞争的地区的居民存在显著差异,我们认为这在大多数横断面估计中都会导致偏差。追踪选民对竞争力和竞选行为的看法的次要证据为我们的发现提供了支持。选民对众议院选举的竞争力缺乏认识,虽然竞选支出与竞争力密切相关,但它被引导到不会明显增加投票率的渠道。我们的研究结果对地理位置紧凑、单一成员区的其他选举环境中的竞争性投票率关系具有重要意义。⇤博士候选人。danielmoskowitz@fas.harvard.edu.†助理教授。benjamin_schneer@hks.harvard.edu.参与选举被认为是民主表现的主要指标(Powell,1982年)。在特定的选举中,选民投票率的高低会影响到谁的观点得到代表(Fowler,2013年),哪个政党获胜并留任(Nagel和McNulty,1996年),甚至影响到未来的参与水平(Meredith,2009年)。鉴于选民参与的重要性,政治学家们非常关注是什么因素导致了更高的投票率,大量研究表明,选举竞争力是一个主要决定因素(Blais 2006;Geys 2006)。Enos和Fowler(2014)指出,自1980年以来,在顶级政治学期刊上发表的70篇研究投票率的论文中,有41篇提到了亲密度或竞争力的重要性。1虽然学者们对主要机制存在分歧,但这一研究的含义是,竞争性选举会导致更多公民投票。在本文中,我们探讨了在研究最多的选举环境之一——美国众议院——竞争力与投票率之间的联系。由于重新划分选区的过程为政策制定者提供了一种改变众议院选举竞争力的机制,因此这种选举背景是独特的,特别令人感兴趣。事实上,公民团体和立法者认为,应该利用重新划分选区来划定更具竞争力的地区,明确目标是提高投票率。例如,Common Cause最近的一份报告指出,“竞争促使候选人更加努力地与选民建立联系,提高投票率,加强民主”(Vicuna,Morris,and Eisman,2017)。在《华盛顿邮报》题为“投票被忽视的丑闻”的专栏文章中,大卫·布罗德根据民主党领导委员会的一项研究指出,“如果重新划定选区界线以强调竞争力”,那么“可能会有1100万美国人参加投票,从而降低我们长期以来的低投票参与率”(布罗德,2008年)。我们证明,在最近的美国众议院选举中,选举竞争力和投票率之间的因果关系非常脆弱,这与政治学家、政策制定者和记者公认的智慧相反。只有在一小部分比赛中——例如,当众议院的比赛占据榜首时——我们才会发现竞争力会增加投票率,即使在这种情况下,实质性的影响也很小。1我们用“竞争力”一词来表示选举结果接近(事前)的潜在倾向,而“接近”一词则表示选举结果非常接近(事后)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Reevaluating Competition and Turnout in U.S. House Elections
Does electoral competitiveness boost turnout in U.S. House elections? Using an individual panel of turnout records compiled from the voter files of all 50 states, we exploit variation in district competitiveness induced by the 2012 redistricting cycle to provide credible estimates of the effect of competitiveness on turnout. When tracking the same voters across time under differing levels of competitiveness, we precisely estimate the effect on turnout to be near zero. Although past cross-sectional research reports a link between competitiveness and turnout in House elections, we demonstrate that residents in competitive districts differ markedly from those in uncompetitive districts along a number of observable characteristics correlated with turnout, and we argue that this induces bias in most cross-sectional estimates. Secondary evidence tracking voter perceptions of competitiveness and campaign behavior provides support for our finding. Voters have scant awareness of competitiveness in House elections, and, while campaign spending is strongly related to competitiveness, it is directed into avenues that do not appreciably increase turnout. Our findings have important implications for the competitivenessturnout relationship in other electoral settings with geographically compact, single-member districts. ⇤Ph.D. Candidate. danielmoskowitz@fas.harvard.edu. †Assistant Professor. benjamin_schneer@hks.harvard.edu. Participation in elections is considered a primary indicator of democratic performance (Powell 1982). In a given election, the level of voter turnout has implications for whose views are represented (Fowler 2013), which party wins and retains office (Nagel and McNulty 1996), and even future levels of participation (Meredith 2009). Given the importance of voter participation, political scientists have devoted considerable attention to what factors lead to higher turnout, and an extensive body of research points to electoral competitiveness as a primary determinant (Blais 2006; Geys 2006). Enos and Fowler (2014) note that of 70 papers examining turnout published in top political science journals since 1980, 41 mention the importance of closeness or competitiveness.1 While scholars disagree on the primary mechanism, the implication in this line of research is that competitive elections cause more citizens to vote. In this paper, we explore the link between competitiveness and turnout in one of the most studied electoral settings: the U.S. House of Representatives. Because the redistricting process offers policy makers a mechanism to alter the competitiveness of House elections, this electoral context is unique and of particular interest. Indeed, citizens’ groups and lawmakers have argued that redistricting should be used to draw more competitive districts with the express goal of increasing turnout. A recent report by Common Cause noted, for example, that “competition pushes candidates to work harder to connect with voters, boosting turnout and strengthening democracy” (Vicuna, Morris, and Eisman 2017). In a Washington Post op-ed entitled, “Voting’s Neglected Scandal,” David Broder, drawing on a study by the Democratic Leadership Council, noted that “if district lines were redrawn to emphasize competitiveness,” then “11 million more Americans might show up at the polls, decreasing our chronically low voting participation rates” (Broder 2008). We demonstrate that, in the context of recent U.S. House elections, the causal relationship between electoral competitiveness and turnout is very tenuous — contrary to the received wisdom among political scientists, policy makers, and journalists. Only in a small subset of races — for example, when the House race is on the top of the ticket — do we find that competitiveness increases turnout, and even in this case the substantive size of the effect is minimal. 1We use the term “competitiveness” to indicate the underlying propensity for a close election outcome (ex ante), while the term “closeness” indicates a close election outcome (ex post).
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.50
自引率
5.90%
发文量
18
期刊介绍: In the last half-century, social scientists have engaged in a methodologically focused and substantively far-reaching mission to make the study of politics scientific. The mutually reinforcing components in this pursuit are the development of positive theories and the testing of their empirical implications. Although this paradigm has been associated with many advances in the understanding of politics, no leading journal of political science is dedicated primarily to the publication of positive political science.
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