杰夫·哈考特:肖像(1931年6月27日- 2021年12月7日)

IF 1.2 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS
K. Vela Velupillai
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This <i>Portrait</i> for the <i>AEP</i> is complemented by them.</p><p>Although a ‘complete’ portrait of this remarkable man can only be gleaned from his publishing and academic activities of over 65 years, as a defender and, more importantly, an indefatigable progenitor of post-Keynesianism, his writings and editorial activities of the last seven or eight years are most telling.</p><p>However, I should emphasise the fact that by choice, Harcourt has avoided axioms, theorems and proofs of a mathematical nature - except in Harcourt (<span>1972</span>; but see p.13), but even in that neither theorems nor proofs are in the index to that book; this is natural for someone who thinks that ‘mathematics is a bad master’ (Harcourt, <span>2003</span>, p. 70).</p><p>In his literally last publication before he, and his wife, Joan, left for Cambridge - which was their home for 28 years - Harcourt paid <i>homage</i> to Lorie Tarshis (Harcourt, <span>1982a</span>, p. 609, ff<sup>1</sup>) as an ‘early post Keynesian’ and referred to it as ‘a loose term designed to cover those who either were pupils of and/or worked with and/or were strongly influenced by Keynes.’ Tarshis, together with Mabel Timlin, were two Canadians whom he had great respect for as early propagators of the Keynes of the <i>GT</i>, although they had, <i>via</i> Wynne Plumptree, mastered Keynes of the <i>Treatise</i>, as well. In the book of Sinha and Thomas (2019, p. 99), reflecting on his past convictions, he felt able to say that ‘[he] took a post-Keynesian approach long before [he] knew what post-Keynesian economics was Harcourt (2019, p. 99).’</p><p>However, the third period in Cambridge - from 1982 to 2010 - consolidated his post-Keynesianism, in particular his allegiance to the methodology and macroeconomic analysis of Keynes, Kalecki and Joan Robinson. Harcourt's adherence to Kahn, Kaldor and Sraffa were also strengthened but they reflected his interests, particularly, in the time-scale and multiplier of macroeconomics, income distribution and returns to scale. He remained wedded to equilibrium, but not necessarily competitive, analysis. Harcourt felt, increasingly, that it was Kalecki who provided the impetus for fiscal and monetary intervention <i>via</i> his distribution considerations, whilst Joan Robinson gave the rationale - with her golden age analysis - the bridge between the economists and the accountants. Keynes, in his path from the Tract to the <i>GT</i>, via the <i>Treatise</i> (and the ‘Circus’), provided a much-improved argument for the fallacy of composition in a largely capitalist economy, which cemented the concepts and activism of the post-Keynesians.</p><p>However, Harcourt continued to rely on one of his earliest inspirations, Rothschild's Clausewitz-inspired oligopolistic analysis to seek a justification for desired values in market economies, tempered by the macroeconomic dominated post-Keynesianism.</p><p>Not only did Geoff Harcourt bridge the gap between accountants and economists by deftly using Joan Robinson's <i>Golden Age</i> arguments to measure the former's use of the latter's concept of the rate of profit, which ‘has an unambiguous meaning’ with an absence of uncertainty and expectations fulfilled; then he, imaginatively asks the following question: ‘would the answer obtained by using the accountant's measure of the rate of profit correspond with what is known, under the assumed conditions, to be the right answer, namely, that the <i>ex post</i> rate of return equals the <i>ex ante</i> one Harcourt (1965, p. 66).’ He inferred a statistical measure of income, knowing that there was no way a purely economic theoretical notion could ever be defined, even in equilibrium. In this way he was able to use the <i>Golden Age</i> - steady-state capital theory with growth - to bridge the gap between the practical accountant-cum-statistician with the economic theorist and avoid falling into the ‘trap’ that Hicks fell into, according to Sraffa (<span>1961</span>, p.305).</p><p>In numerous writings, for example in the Introduction to the following collection of Essays, Harcourt (2001) he acknowledged handsomely the influence of Noam Chomsky and Hugh Stretton in showing that ideology and analysis – especially economic analysis – were intertwined (in the context of the Vietnam war – but more generally, as well). Geoff's economics, particularly the post-Keynesian variety<sup>2</sup> was an aspect of direct action.</p><p>Geoff Harcourt was especially concerned with Sraffa's non-equilibrium, non-constant returns-to-scale arguments; that is why he devoted five essays to Sraffa in part IV of his book of 1982 which Prue Kerr edited (Harcourt, <span>1982</span> – I think, unfortunately, misnamed). Through Sraffa, and Dobb's critical attitude, impeccably studied and documented, towards all aspects of capitalism, he studied Marx; but like Joan Robinson (and Keynes) he was not a master of the political economy that Marx espoused.</p><p>Part III was devoted to Salter. Here Geoff Harcourt was on more ‘familiar’ ground. He was able to use his work on company accounts - a stepping stone towards his analysis of accountant's behaviour under <i>Golden Age</i> assumptions - to interpret, with sympathy Salter's technical progress function.</p><p>However, despite his admiration of Arrow and ‘reluctant’ - but genuine - liking of Hahn, he was unable to endorse the methodology and economics of the neoclassicals; perhaps this was due to his post-Keynesian adherence and interventionist stance! It was appropriate that the association for evolutionary economics awarded him (jointly with Jan Kregel) the Veblen-Commons Award, because it was Thorstein Veblen who first defined and used the word neo-classical, in a way that was reminiscent of Harcourt's critical view!</p><p>It was easier to repudiate the newclassicals, which he did in many essays that provided a powerful critique of the state of macroeconomics contemporaneously. His essay in the <b>Harald Hagemann Festschrift</b>, <i>The Crisis in Macroeconomics</i><sup>3</sup> (Harcourt, <span>2012</span>) finds fault - justifiably - with the Lucasian doctrine-historical statements of alleged facts. Geoff Harcourt wears many hats, and one is a historian of economic thought; as a strictler of doctrine-historical facts he found Lucas and other newclassicals somewhat wanting; but the followers of the elementary statistical and mathematical methodology of what the newclassicals propagate are not deterred by violations of mere doctrine-historical facts; so, alas, Harcourt and similar scholars, by pointing out deficiencies that do not matter to these people, do not achieve their noble goals.</p><p>In 1984 Harcourt tried to approach the same problem by considering the views of the Nobel Memorial Prize winners in economics and wanted - with the help of a younger colleague - to update the study (Harcourt, <span>2016</span>, p. 494). However, the ‘updating’ was effectively done by Offer and Söderberg (<span>2016</span>).</p><p>Geoff Harcourt lived, and died, his 90 + years, a civilized, humane, devoted, intellectually rich and committed life; he was humane as a professional economist and as a private individual, devoted to his (extended) family, to his friends, to his many teachers, to his colleagues, and to his students - as an advisor, supervisor and mentor. The intellectual richness came about, partly, as he discovered his vocation in <i>post Keynesian Economics</i> and was able to find its roots in Maynard Keynes, Michał Kalecki and Joan Robinson and, to a lesser extent, even though <i>he</i> considered them also pioneers (Harcourt, 2006, especially p. 158, <i>ff)</i>, his Cambridge colleagues<sup>4</sup>, Richard Kahn, Nicky Kaldor and Piero Sraffa; other economists, based in Cambridge, Richard Stone, Wynn Godley, Mario Nuti, Maurice Dobb, John Eatwell and Richard Goodwin were also important for him. He was committed, personally and professionally, to many causes – some of them radical, all of them humane; but above all, he was passionately committed to his well-thought-out convictions.</p><p>I don't think it is an exaggeration to refer to him, in the classical sense, of being a political economist in the great tradition of Petty, Hume, Smith, Ricardo, Malthus and Marx.</p><p>He is survived by his wife, Joan - née Bartrop - of over 67 years, by their four ‘children,’ Wendy, Robert, Tim and Rebecca, the husband of Wendy, the Italian economist, Claudio Sardoni (Harcourt, <span>2016</span>, p. 501) a distinguished post-Keynesian, with special interests in Kalecki), the wife of Tim, Jo Bosben (Harcourt, <span>2011</span>, p. 262), and four grandchildren, Catarina, Emma Claire, Yunshi and Jhen Huei.</p>","PeriodicalId":46169,"journal":{"name":"Australian Economic Papers","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2000,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8454.12260","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Geoff Harcourt: A Portrait (27 June 1931–7 December 2021)\",\"authors\":\"K. Vela Velupillai\",\"doi\":\"10.1111/1467-8454.12260\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>Geoff Harcourt's narrative about his connections with the <i>Australian Economic Papers</i> -henceforth <i>AEP</i> - (Harcourt, <span>2014</span>) is most enlightening, as is the Interview with Dr. Tran-Nam (Harcourt, <span>2016</span>) also in <i>AEP</i>. This <i>Portrait</i> for the <i>AEP</i> is complemented by them.</p><p>Although a ‘complete’ portrait of this remarkable man can only be gleaned from his publishing and academic activities of over 65 years, as a defender and, more importantly, an indefatigable progenitor of post-Keynesianism, his writings and editorial activities of the last seven or eight years are most telling.</p><p>However, I should emphasise the fact that by choice, Harcourt has avoided axioms, theorems and proofs of a mathematical nature - except in Harcourt (<span>1972</span>; but see p.13), but even in that neither theorems nor proofs are in the index to that book; this is natural for someone who thinks that ‘mathematics is a bad master’ (Harcourt, <span>2003</span>, p. 70).</p><p>In his literally last publication before he, and his wife, Joan, left for Cambridge - which was their home for 28 years - Harcourt paid <i>homage</i> to Lorie Tarshis (Harcourt, <span>1982a</span>, p. 609, ff<sup>1</sup>) as an ‘early post Keynesian’ and referred to it as ‘a loose term designed to cover those who either were pupils of and/or worked with and/or were strongly influenced by Keynes.’ Tarshis, together with Mabel Timlin, were two Canadians whom he had great respect for as early propagators of the Keynes of the <i>GT</i>, although they had, <i>via</i> Wynne Plumptree, mastered Keynes of the <i>Treatise</i>, as well. In the book of Sinha and Thomas (2019, p. 99), reflecting on his past convictions, he felt able to say that ‘[he] took a post-Keynesian approach long before [he] knew what post-Keynesian economics was Harcourt (2019, p. 99).’</p><p>However, the third period in Cambridge - from 1982 to 2010 - consolidated his post-Keynesianism, in particular his allegiance to the methodology and macroeconomic analysis of Keynes, Kalecki and Joan Robinson. Harcourt's adherence to Kahn, Kaldor and Sraffa were also strengthened but they reflected his interests, particularly, in the time-scale and multiplier of macroeconomics, income distribution and returns to scale. He remained wedded to equilibrium, but not necessarily competitive, analysis. Harcourt felt, increasingly, that it was Kalecki who provided the impetus for fiscal and monetary intervention <i>via</i> his distribution considerations, whilst Joan Robinson gave the rationale - with her golden age analysis - the bridge between the economists and the accountants. Keynes, in his path from the Tract to the <i>GT</i>, via the <i>Treatise</i> (and the ‘Circus’), provided a much-improved argument for the fallacy of composition in a largely capitalist economy, which cemented the concepts and activism of the post-Keynesians.</p><p>However, Harcourt continued to rely on one of his earliest inspirations, Rothschild's Clausewitz-inspired oligopolistic analysis to seek a justification for desired values in market economies, tempered by the macroeconomic dominated post-Keynesianism.</p><p>Not only did Geoff Harcourt bridge the gap between accountants and economists by deftly using Joan Robinson's <i>Golden Age</i> arguments to measure the former's use of the latter's concept of the rate of profit, which ‘has an unambiguous meaning’ with an absence of uncertainty and expectations fulfilled; then he, imaginatively asks the following question: ‘would the answer obtained by using the accountant's measure of the rate of profit correspond with what is known, under the assumed conditions, to be the right answer, namely, that the <i>ex post</i> rate of return equals the <i>ex ante</i> one Harcourt (1965, p. 66).’ He inferred a statistical measure of income, knowing that there was no way a purely economic theoretical notion could ever be defined, even in equilibrium. In this way he was able to use the <i>Golden Age</i> - steady-state capital theory with growth - to bridge the gap between the practical accountant-cum-statistician with the economic theorist and avoid falling into the ‘trap’ that Hicks fell into, according to Sraffa (<span>1961</span>, p.305).</p><p>In numerous writings, for example in the Introduction to the following collection of Essays, Harcourt (2001) he acknowledged handsomely the influence of Noam Chomsky and Hugh Stretton in showing that ideology and analysis – especially economic analysis – were intertwined (in the context of the Vietnam war – but more generally, as well). Geoff's economics, particularly the post-Keynesian variety<sup>2</sup> was an aspect of direct action.</p><p>Geoff Harcourt was especially concerned with Sraffa's non-equilibrium, non-constant returns-to-scale arguments; that is why he devoted five essays to Sraffa in part IV of his book of 1982 which Prue Kerr edited (Harcourt, <span>1982</span> – I think, unfortunately, misnamed). Through Sraffa, and Dobb's critical attitude, impeccably studied and documented, towards all aspects of capitalism, he studied Marx; but like Joan Robinson (and Keynes) he was not a master of the political economy that Marx espoused.</p><p>Part III was devoted to Salter. Here Geoff Harcourt was on more ‘familiar’ ground. He was able to use his work on company accounts - a stepping stone towards his analysis of accountant's behaviour under <i>Golden Age</i> assumptions - to interpret, with sympathy Salter's technical progress function.</p><p>However, despite his admiration of Arrow and ‘reluctant’ - but genuine - liking of Hahn, he was unable to endorse the methodology and economics of the neoclassicals; perhaps this was due to his post-Keynesian adherence and interventionist stance! It was appropriate that the association for evolutionary economics awarded him (jointly with Jan Kregel) the Veblen-Commons Award, because it was Thorstein Veblen who first defined and used the word neo-classical, in a way that was reminiscent of Harcourt's critical view!</p><p>It was easier to repudiate the newclassicals, which he did in many essays that provided a powerful critique of the state of macroeconomics contemporaneously. His essay in the <b>Harald Hagemann Festschrift</b>, <i>The Crisis in Macroeconomics</i><sup>3</sup> (Harcourt, <span>2012</span>) finds fault - justifiably - with the Lucasian doctrine-historical statements of alleged facts. Geoff Harcourt wears many hats, and one is a historian of economic thought; as a strictler of doctrine-historical facts he found Lucas and other newclassicals somewhat wanting; but the followers of the elementary statistical and mathematical methodology of what the newclassicals propagate are not deterred by violations of mere doctrine-historical facts; so, alas, Harcourt and similar scholars, by pointing out deficiencies that do not matter to these people, do not achieve their noble goals.</p><p>In 1984 Harcourt tried to approach the same problem by considering the views of the Nobel Memorial Prize winners in economics and wanted - with the help of a younger colleague - to update the study (Harcourt, <span>2016</span>, p. 494). However, the ‘updating’ was effectively done by Offer and Söderberg (<span>2016</span>).</p><p>Geoff Harcourt lived, and died, his 90 + years, a civilized, humane, devoted, intellectually rich and committed life; he was humane as a professional economist and as a private individual, devoted to his (extended) family, to his friends, to his many teachers, to his colleagues, and to his students - as an advisor, supervisor and mentor. The intellectual richness came about, partly, as he discovered his vocation in <i>post Keynesian Economics</i> and was able to find its roots in Maynard Keynes, Michał Kalecki and Joan Robinson and, to a lesser extent, even though <i>he</i> considered them also pioneers (Harcourt, 2006, especially p. 158, <i>ff)</i>, his Cambridge colleagues<sup>4</sup>, Richard Kahn, Nicky Kaldor and Piero Sraffa; other economists, based in Cambridge, Richard Stone, Wynn Godley, Mario Nuti, Maurice Dobb, John Eatwell and Richard Goodwin were also important for him. He was committed, personally and professionally, to many causes – some of them radical, all of them humane; but above all, he was passionately committed to his well-thought-out convictions.</p><p>I don't think it is an exaggeration to refer to him, in the classical sense, of being a political economist in the great tradition of Petty, Hume, Smith, Ricardo, Malthus and Marx.</p><p>He is survived by his wife, Joan - née Bartrop - of over 67 years, by their four ‘children,’ Wendy, Robert, Tim and Rebecca, the husband of Wendy, the Italian economist, Claudio Sardoni (Harcourt, <span>2016</span>, p. 501) a distinguished post-Keynesian, with special interests in Kalecki), the wife of Tim, Jo Bosben (Harcourt, <span>2011</span>, p. 262), and four grandchildren, Catarina, Emma Claire, Yunshi and Jhen Huei.</p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":46169,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Australian Economic Papers\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":1.2000,\"publicationDate\":\"2022-05-04\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8454.12260\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Australian Economic Papers\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"96\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-8454.12260\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"经济学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q3\",\"JCRName\":\"ECONOMICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Australian Economic Papers","FirstCategoryId":"96","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-8454.12260","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"ECONOMICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
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杰夫·哈考特(Geoff Harcourt)关于他与《澳大利亚经济论文》(即AEP)的联系的叙述(哈考特,2014年)是最具启发性的,对Tran-Nam博士的采访(哈考特,2016年)也是在AEP上。这幅《亚太经合组织的肖像》得到了它们的补充。尽管对这位杰出人物的“完整”描述只能从他超过65年的出版和学术活动中收集到,但作为后凯恩斯主义的捍卫者,更重要的是,他是一位不知疲倦的先驱,他过去七八年的著作和编辑活动最能说明问题。然而,我应该强调的事实是,哈考特选择避免公理、定理和数学性质的证明——除了哈考特(1972;但见第13页),但即使在那本书的索引中既没有定理也没有证明;对于那些认为“数学是一个糟糕的主人”的人来说,这是很自然的(Harcourt, 2003, p. 70)。在他和他的妻子琼(Joan)离开剑桥(他们在剑桥生活了28年)之前的最后一篇文章中,哈考特将洛里·塔希斯(Harcourt, 1982a, p. 609, ff1)称为“早期后凯恩斯主义者”,并将其称为“一个宽松的术语,旨在涵盖那些曾经是凯恩斯的学生和/或与凯恩斯一起工作和/或受到凯恩斯强烈影响的人”。塔希斯和梅布尔·蒂姆林是他非常尊敬的两位加拿大人,他们是凯恩斯的早期传播者,尽管他们也通过温恩·普拉普特里掌握了凯恩斯的《人性论》。在辛哈和托马斯(2019年,第99页)的书中,反思他过去的信念,他觉得能够说,“在[他]知道什么是后凯恩斯主义经济学之前很久,[他]就采取了后凯恩斯主义的方法。”然而,在剑桥的第三个时期——1982年至2010年——巩固了他的后凯恩斯主义,特别是他对凯恩斯、卡莱茨基和琼·罗宾逊的方法论和宏观经济分析的忠诚。Harcourt对Kahn, Kaldor和straffa的坚持也得到了加强,但它们反映了他的兴趣,特别是在宏观经济学的时间尺度和乘数,收入分配和规模回报方面。他仍然执着于平衡分析,但不一定是竞争分析。哈考特越来越觉得,正是卡莱茨基通过他对分配的考虑,为财政和货币干预提供了动力,而琼·罗宾逊则用她的黄金时代分析,为经济学家和会计师之间的桥梁提供了理论依据。凯恩斯通过《人物论》(和《马戏团》),从《小册子》走向《经济学总论》,为资本主义经济中的构成谬误提供了一个更完善的论证,巩固了后凯恩斯主义者的概念和行动主义。然而,哈考特继续依靠他最早的灵感之一,罗斯柴尔德的克劳斯维茨启发的寡头垄断分析,在市场经济中寻求期望价值的理由,受到宏观经济主导的后凯恩斯主义的缓和。杰夫·哈考特不仅通过巧妙地运用琼·罗宾逊的黄金时代论点来衡量前者对后者利润率概念的使用,从而弥合了会计师和经济学家之间的差距,后者的利润率概念“具有明确的含义”,没有不确定性和预期的实现;然后,他富有想象力地提出了以下问题:“在假设的条件下,使用会计的利润率测量方法得到的答案是否与已知的正确答案相一致?即,事后收益率等于事前收益率(Harcourt, 1965, p. 66)。”他推断出收入的统计指标,因为他知道,即使在均衡状态下,也不可能定义一个纯粹的经济理论概念。按照斯拉法(1961,p.305)的说法,通过这种方式,他能够利用黄金时代——伴随增长的稳态资本理论——弥合实用的会计兼统计学家与经济理论家之间的差距,避免陷入希克斯所陷入的“陷阱”。在许多著作中,例如在《论文集导言》中,哈考特(2001)慷慨地承认了诺姆·乔姆斯基和休·斯特莱顿的影响,他们表明意识形态和分析——尤其是经济分析——是交织在一起的(在越南战争的背景下——但在更广泛的情况下也是如此)。杰夫的经济学,尤其是后凯恩斯主义的经济学,是直接行动的一个方面。杰夫·哈考特特别关注斯拉法的非均衡、非恒定的规模回报理论;这就是为什么他在1982年Prue Kerr编辑的书(Harcourt, 1982 -我想,不幸的是,名字错了)的第四部分中专门写了五篇关于斯拉法的文章。通过斯拉法和多布对资本主义各个方面的批判态度(无可挑剔地研究和记录),他研究了马克思;但和琼·罗宾逊(以及凯恩斯)一样,他并不是马克思所推崇的政治经济学大师。第三部分是关于索尔特的。 在这里,杰夫·哈考特的立场更加“熟悉”。他能够用自己在公司账目上的工作——这是他分析黄金时代假设下会计行为的垫脚石——带着同情来解释索尔特的技术进步功能。然而,尽管他钦佩阿罗,也“不情愿”——但却是发自内心地——喜欢哈恩,他却无法赞同新古典主义的方法论和经济学;也许这是由于他对后凯恩斯主义的坚持和干预主义的立场!进化经济学协会(与简·克雷格尔一起)授予他“凡勃伦公地奖”(Veblen- commons Award)是恰当的,因为是索斯坦·凡勃伦首先定义并使用了“新古典主义”这个词,这让人想起了哈考特的批判观点!他在许多文章中对当时的宏观经济状况进行了有力的批判,因此更容易否定新古典主义。他在Harald Hagemann Festschrift上发表的文章《宏观经济学的危机》(Harcourt, 2012)发现了卢卡斯主义对所谓事实的历史陈述的错误——这是有道理的。杰夫·哈考特身兼数职,其中之一是经济思想史学家;作为一个严格遵守教条历史事实的人,他发现卢卡斯和其他新古典主义者有些不足;但是,新古典主义所宣扬的基本统计和数学方法论的追随者们,并没有被纯粹的教条——历史事实的违反所吓倒;因此,唉,哈考特和类似的学者,通过指出对这些人无关紧要的缺陷,并没有实现他们的崇高目标。1984年,Harcourt试图通过考虑诺贝尔经济学奖得主的观点来解决同样的问题,并希望在一位年轻同事的帮助下更新研究(Harcourt, 2016,第494页)。然而,Offer和Söderberg(2016)有效地完成了“更新”。杰夫·哈考特(Geoff Harcourt)在他90多岁的一生中,无论是活着还是死去,都过着文明、人道、奉献、智力丰富和忠诚的生活;无论是作为一名专业经济学家,还是作为一个独立的个体,他都很有人情心。他以顾问、导师和导师的身份,全身心地投入到他的(大家庭)家庭、朋友、老师、同事和学生身上。知识的丰富性部分来自于他发现自己的职业是后凯恩斯主义经济学,并能够在梅纳德·凯恩斯、米夏沃夫·卡莱茨基和乔安·罗宾逊身上找到根源,在较小程度上,尽管他认为他们也是先驱(哈考特,2006年,尤其是第158页),他的剑桥同事理查德·卡恩、尼基·卡尔多和皮耶罗·斯拉法;其他在剑桥工作的经济学家理查德·斯通、韦恩·戈德利、马里奥·努蒂、莫里斯·多布、约翰·伊特韦尔和理查德·古德温对他也很重要。他个人和职业上都致力于许多事业——其中一些是激进的,但所有的都是人道的;但最重要的是,他热情地致力于他深思熟虑的信念。我认为,从古典意义上说,他是一位政治经济学家,继承了佩蒂、休谟、斯密、李嘉图、马尔萨斯和马克思的伟大传统,这并不夸张。他的妻子琼-恩萨梅·巴特罗普(Joan - ne Bartrop)去世超过67年,他们的四个“孩子”——温迪、罗伯特、蒂姆和丽贝卡(丽贝卡是温迪的丈夫,意大利经济学家克劳迪奥·萨多尼(Claudio Sardoni, Harcourt, 2016年,第501页),一位杰出的后凯恩斯主义者,对卡莱茨基有特殊兴趣),蒂姆的妻子乔·博斯本(Jo Bosben, Harcourt, 2011年,第262页),以及四个孙子,卡塔琳娜、艾玛·克莱尔、云诗和惠珍。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Geoff Harcourt: A Portrait (27 June 1931–7 December 2021)

Geoff Harcourt's narrative about his connections with the Australian Economic Papers -henceforth AEP - (Harcourt, 2014) is most enlightening, as is the Interview with Dr. Tran-Nam (Harcourt, 2016) also in AEP. This Portrait for the AEP is complemented by them.

Although a ‘complete’ portrait of this remarkable man can only be gleaned from his publishing and academic activities of over 65 years, as a defender and, more importantly, an indefatigable progenitor of post-Keynesianism, his writings and editorial activities of the last seven or eight years are most telling.

However, I should emphasise the fact that by choice, Harcourt has avoided axioms, theorems and proofs of a mathematical nature - except in Harcourt (1972; but see p.13), but even in that neither theorems nor proofs are in the index to that book; this is natural for someone who thinks that ‘mathematics is a bad master’ (Harcourt, 2003, p. 70).

In his literally last publication before he, and his wife, Joan, left for Cambridge - which was their home for 28 years - Harcourt paid homage to Lorie Tarshis (Harcourt, 1982a, p. 609, ff1) as an ‘early post Keynesian’ and referred to it as ‘a loose term designed to cover those who either were pupils of and/or worked with and/or were strongly influenced by Keynes.’ Tarshis, together with Mabel Timlin, were two Canadians whom he had great respect for as early propagators of the Keynes of the GT, although they had, via Wynne Plumptree, mastered Keynes of the Treatise, as well. In the book of Sinha and Thomas (2019, p. 99), reflecting on his past convictions, he felt able to say that ‘[he] took a post-Keynesian approach long before [he] knew what post-Keynesian economics was Harcourt (2019, p. 99).’

However, the third period in Cambridge - from 1982 to 2010 - consolidated his post-Keynesianism, in particular his allegiance to the methodology and macroeconomic analysis of Keynes, Kalecki and Joan Robinson. Harcourt's adherence to Kahn, Kaldor and Sraffa were also strengthened but they reflected his interests, particularly, in the time-scale and multiplier of macroeconomics, income distribution and returns to scale. He remained wedded to equilibrium, but not necessarily competitive, analysis. Harcourt felt, increasingly, that it was Kalecki who provided the impetus for fiscal and monetary intervention via his distribution considerations, whilst Joan Robinson gave the rationale - with her golden age analysis - the bridge between the economists and the accountants. Keynes, in his path from the Tract to the GT, via the Treatise (and the ‘Circus’), provided a much-improved argument for the fallacy of composition in a largely capitalist economy, which cemented the concepts and activism of the post-Keynesians.

However, Harcourt continued to rely on one of his earliest inspirations, Rothschild's Clausewitz-inspired oligopolistic analysis to seek a justification for desired values in market economies, tempered by the macroeconomic dominated post-Keynesianism.

Not only did Geoff Harcourt bridge the gap between accountants and economists by deftly using Joan Robinson's Golden Age arguments to measure the former's use of the latter's concept of the rate of profit, which ‘has an unambiguous meaning’ with an absence of uncertainty and expectations fulfilled; then he, imaginatively asks the following question: ‘would the answer obtained by using the accountant's measure of the rate of profit correspond with what is known, under the assumed conditions, to be the right answer, namely, that the ex post rate of return equals the ex ante one Harcourt (1965, p. 66).’ He inferred a statistical measure of income, knowing that there was no way a purely economic theoretical notion could ever be defined, even in equilibrium. In this way he was able to use the Golden Age - steady-state capital theory with growth - to bridge the gap between the practical accountant-cum-statistician with the economic theorist and avoid falling into the ‘trap’ that Hicks fell into, according to Sraffa (1961, p.305).

In numerous writings, for example in the Introduction to the following collection of Essays, Harcourt (2001) he acknowledged handsomely the influence of Noam Chomsky and Hugh Stretton in showing that ideology and analysis – especially economic analysis – were intertwined (in the context of the Vietnam war – but more generally, as well). Geoff's economics, particularly the post-Keynesian variety2 was an aspect of direct action.

Geoff Harcourt was especially concerned with Sraffa's non-equilibrium, non-constant returns-to-scale arguments; that is why he devoted five essays to Sraffa in part IV of his book of 1982 which Prue Kerr edited (Harcourt, 1982 – I think, unfortunately, misnamed). Through Sraffa, and Dobb's critical attitude, impeccably studied and documented, towards all aspects of capitalism, he studied Marx; but like Joan Robinson (and Keynes) he was not a master of the political economy that Marx espoused.

Part III was devoted to Salter. Here Geoff Harcourt was on more ‘familiar’ ground. He was able to use his work on company accounts - a stepping stone towards his analysis of accountant's behaviour under Golden Age assumptions - to interpret, with sympathy Salter's technical progress function.

However, despite his admiration of Arrow and ‘reluctant’ - but genuine - liking of Hahn, he was unable to endorse the methodology and economics of the neoclassicals; perhaps this was due to his post-Keynesian adherence and interventionist stance! It was appropriate that the association for evolutionary economics awarded him (jointly with Jan Kregel) the Veblen-Commons Award, because it was Thorstein Veblen who first defined and used the word neo-classical, in a way that was reminiscent of Harcourt's critical view!

It was easier to repudiate the newclassicals, which he did in many essays that provided a powerful critique of the state of macroeconomics contemporaneously. His essay in the Harald Hagemann Festschrift, The Crisis in Macroeconomics3 (Harcourt, 2012) finds fault - justifiably - with the Lucasian doctrine-historical statements of alleged facts. Geoff Harcourt wears many hats, and one is a historian of economic thought; as a strictler of doctrine-historical facts he found Lucas and other newclassicals somewhat wanting; but the followers of the elementary statistical and mathematical methodology of what the newclassicals propagate are not deterred by violations of mere doctrine-historical facts; so, alas, Harcourt and similar scholars, by pointing out deficiencies that do not matter to these people, do not achieve their noble goals.

In 1984 Harcourt tried to approach the same problem by considering the views of the Nobel Memorial Prize winners in economics and wanted - with the help of a younger colleague - to update the study (Harcourt, 2016, p. 494). However, the ‘updating’ was effectively done by Offer and Söderberg (2016).

Geoff Harcourt lived, and died, his 90 + years, a civilized, humane, devoted, intellectually rich and committed life; he was humane as a professional economist and as a private individual, devoted to his (extended) family, to his friends, to his many teachers, to his colleagues, and to his students - as an advisor, supervisor and mentor. The intellectual richness came about, partly, as he discovered his vocation in post Keynesian Economics and was able to find its roots in Maynard Keynes, Michał Kalecki and Joan Robinson and, to a lesser extent, even though he considered them also pioneers (Harcourt, 2006, especially p. 158, ff), his Cambridge colleagues4, Richard Kahn, Nicky Kaldor and Piero Sraffa; other economists, based in Cambridge, Richard Stone, Wynn Godley, Mario Nuti, Maurice Dobb, John Eatwell and Richard Goodwin were also important for him. He was committed, personally and professionally, to many causes – some of them radical, all of them humane; but above all, he was passionately committed to his well-thought-out convictions.

I don't think it is an exaggeration to refer to him, in the classical sense, of being a political economist in the great tradition of Petty, Hume, Smith, Ricardo, Malthus and Marx.

He is survived by his wife, Joan - née Bartrop - of over 67 years, by their four ‘children,’ Wendy, Robert, Tim and Rebecca, the husband of Wendy, the Italian economist, Claudio Sardoni (Harcourt, 2016, p. 501) a distinguished post-Keynesian, with special interests in Kalecki), the wife of Tim, Jo Bosben (Harcourt, 2011, p. 262), and four grandchildren, Catarina, Emma Claire, Yunshi and Jhen Huei.

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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.20
自引率
5.30%
发文量
36
期刊介绍: Australian Economic Papers publishes innovative and thought provoking contributions that extend the frontiers of the subject, written by leading international economists in theoretical, empirical and policy economics. Australian Economic Papers is a forum for debate between theorists, econometricians and policy analysts and covers an exceptionally wide range of topics on all the major fields of economics as well as: theoretical and empirical industrial organisation, theoretical and empirical labour economics and, macro and micro policy analysis.
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