真正的国内变更还是虚假的合规?塞尔维亚传播媒介的政治普遍性

IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES
Aleksandra Dragojlov
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引用次数: 0

摘要

自Aleksandar Vučić和进步党当选以来,塞尔维亚的媒体自由度缓慢下降,Subotić(2017)等学者认为,这比20世纪90年代更糟。尽管政府在2014年8月通过了一套由三项法律组成的法律,以使媒体环境达到欧洲标准,但这些法律的实施一直是有限的和边缘的,进步派参与了虚假的合规行为。2020年新媒体战略2020-2025的通过并没有导致真正的国内改革和遵守欧盟的条件。事实上,欧盟委员会和塞尔维亚的记者协会批评了塞尔维亚媒体自由度的下降,称继续攻击记者以及通过广告和项目共同融资进行间接政治和经济控制,这些仍然是塞尔维亚媒体格局的特点。在缺乏明确和可信的欧盟条件的情况下,媒体自由的下降是旁观者的眼中钉,与塞尔维亚政客的公开接触与进展报告对媒体退化的批评立场之间的差距,使塞尔维亚精英能够利用这种模糊性,继续他们对法治的虚假遵守策略。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Genuine Domestic Change or Fake Compliance? Political Pervasiveness in the Serbian Media
Since the election of Aleksandar Vučić and the Progressives, Serbia has witnessed a slow decline in media freedom, which scholars such as Subotić (2017) argue has been worse than in the 1990s. Although the government had adopted a package of three laws in August 2014 to bring the media landscape up to European standards, the implementation of the laws has been limited and marginal, with the Progressives engaging in fake compliance. The adoption of the new media strategy 2020–2025 in 2020 has not led to genuine domestic reform and compliance to EU conditionality. In fact, the EU Commission and journalists’ associations in Serbia have criticized the decline in Serbia’s media freedom, citing continued attacks on journalists and indirect political and economic control through advertising and project co-financing, which continue to be features of the Serbian media landscape. In the absence of clear and credible EU conditionality, the decline of media freedom is in the eye of the beholder, where the gap between public engagements with Serbian politicians and the critical stance of progress reports regarding the degradation of the media have enabled Serbian elites to exploit this ambiguity to continue their strategy of fake compliance vis-à-vis rule of law.
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CiteScore
3.00
自引率
16.70%
发文量
137
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