{"title":"新黑色:黑人郊区的种族、身份和散居。加州伯克利:加州大学出版社,2019年。ISBN: 9780520296787;320页,29.95美元。","authors":"Mary Pattillo","doi":"10.1111/cico.12501","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"There are so many layers and facets to The New Noir that it’s hard to believe it fits within the covers of just one book. Clergé recounts history from the colonial era to the present, charts the migrations of Jamaicans, Haitians, and Black Southerners, does a multi-sited ethnography, and conducts 60 interviews with residents of neighborhoods in Queens and Long Island, New York. The New Noir is a work of urban sociology, and also of migration studies, Black Studies, comparative ethnic studies, and the sociology of culture. The book packs a powerful sociological punch, and it is also appetizingly readable. Clergé keeps the reader’smouth watering with each chapter title: Fish Soup, Callalloo, Children of the Yam, and Vanilla Black. These titles are not just empty flourishes. The chapter entitled “Blood Pudding,” for example, recounts not only the house bombings and racial terror that Black people endured when they moved to Queens and Long Island in large numbers in the mid-20th century, but also the erasure of Native Americans, and the 17th and 18th Century presence of 1,300 enslaved Black people in Queens, and 1,000 enslaved Black people in Nassau County. The food references offer rich cultural metaphors for the complex social process that Clergé analyzes in the book. A primary argument of The New Noir is that local places cannot be understood without adopting a global lens. Hence, although the book is about the “Black diasporic suburb”— as illustrated by a section of Queens pseudonymously called Cascades, and a section of Long Island called Great Park—the story reaches far beyond New York. As Clergé writes: “The racial caste system of Charleston, the uneven industrialization of Kingston, and the dictatorship politics of Port au Prince are interrelated global processes that have shaped Black migrant experiences and perspectives” (13). Of course Clergé could have also added sending cities and villages in Ghana, Nigeria, the Dominican Republic, and Colombia, but the book is already impressively comparative. The insight gained from integrating these groups and histories is a clear understanding of the contours of racial capitalism and its effects on traveling systems of stratification. For example, Clergé uses the label of the “brown middle class” to highlight similarities in skin tone stratification in Jamaica, Haiti, and the United States, but also to show how this bodily currency lost much of its power in the trip to the United States, especially for Haitians. 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Clergé recounts history from the colonial era to the present, charts the migrations of Jamaicans, Haitians, and Black Southerners, does a multi-sited ethnography, and conducts 60 interviews with residents of neighborhoods in Queens and Long Island, New York. The New Noir is a work of urban sociology, and also of migration studies, Black Studies, comparative ethnic studies, and the sociology of culture. The book packs a powerful sociological punch, and it is also appetizingly readable. Clergé keeps the reader’smouth watering with each chapter title: Fish Soup, Callalloo, Children of the Yam, and Vanilla Black. These titles are not just empty flourishes. The chapter entitled “Blood Pudding,” for example, recounts not only the house bombings and racial terror that Black people endured when they moved to Queens and Long Island in large numbers in the mid-20th century, but also the erasure of Native Americans, and the 17th and 18th Century presence of 1,300 enslaved Black people in Queens, and 1,000 enslaved Black people in Nassau County. The food references offer rich cultural metaphors for the complex social process that Clergé analyzes in the book. A primary argument of The New Noir is that local places cannot be understood without adopting a global lens. Hence, although the book is about the “Black diasporic suburb”— as illustrated by a section of Queens pseudonymously called Cascades, and a section of Long Island called Great Park—the story reaches far beyond New York. As Clergé writes: “The racial caste system of Charleston, the uneven industrialization of Kingston, and the dictatorship politics of Port au Prince are interrelated global processes that have shaped Black migrant experiences and perspectives” (13). Of course Clergé could have also added sending cities and villages in Ghana, Nigeria, the Dominican Republic, and Colombia, but the book is already impressively comparative. The insight gained from integrating these groups and histories is a clear understanding of the contours of racial capitalism and its effects on traveling systems of stratification. For example, Clergé uses the label of the “brown middle class” to highlight similarities in skin tone stratification in Jamaica, Haiti, and the United States, but also to show how this bodily currency lost much of its power in the trip to the United States, especially for Haitians. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
《新黑》有很多层次和方面,很难相信它只适合一本书的封面。克莱格讲述了从殖民时代到现在的历史,绘制了牙买加人、海地人和南方黑人的移民图,进行了多地点的民族志研究,并对纽约皇后区和长岛社区的居民进行了60次采访。《新黑穗》是一部城市社会学、移民研究、黑人研究、比较种族研究和文化社会学的作品。这本书具有强大的社会学冲击力,可读性也很强。克莱格的每一章标题都让读者垂涎欲滴:鱼汤、卡拉洛、Yam的孩子和香草黑。这些标题不仅仅是空洞的华丽辞藻。例如,题为“血布丁”的一章不仅讲述了20世纪中期黑人大量迁移到皇后区和长岛时所遭受的房屋爆炸和种族恐怖,还讲述了美洲原住民的消失,以及17世纪和18世纪皇后区1300名被奴役的黑人和拿骚县1000名被奴役黑人的存在。食物参考为克莱格在书中分析的复杂社会过程提供了丰富的文化隐喻。The New Noir的一个主要论点是,如果不采用全球视角,就无法理解当地。因此,尽管这本书是关于“黑人散居郊区”的——正如皇后区一段化名为Cascades的地区和长岛一段名为Great Park的地区所示——但故事的范围远远超出了纽约。正如克莱格所写:“查尔斯顿的种族种姓制度、金斯敦的不均衡工业化和太子港的独裁政治是相互关联的全球进程,塑造了黑人移民的经历和观点”(13)。当然,克莱格本可以在加纳、尼日利亚、多米尼加共和国和哥伦比亚增加派遣城市和村庄,但这本书已经具有令人印象深刻的可比性。从整合这些群体和历史中获得的见解是对种族资本主义的轮廓及其对旅行分层系统的影响的清晰理解。例如,克莱格使用“棕色中产阶级”的标签来强调牙买加、海地和美国肤色分层的相似性,但也表明这种身体货币是如何在美国之行中失去大部分力量的,尤其是对海地人来说。被杜瓦利埃政权驱逐的前海地上层阶级很快发现自己也陷入了同样的境地
The New Noir: Race, Identity, and Diaspora in Black Suburbia, by Orly Clergé. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2019. ISBN: 9780520296787; 320 pp. $29.95 paper.
There are so many layers and facets to The New Noir that it’s hard to believe it fits within the covers of just one book. Clergé recounts history from the colonial era to the present, charts the migrations of Jamaicans, Haitians, and Black Southerners, does a multi-sited ethnography, and conducts 60 interviews with residents of neighborhoods in Queens and Long Island, New York. The New Noir is a work of urban sociology, and also of migration studies, Black Studies, comparative ethnic studies, and the sociology of culture. The book packs a powerful sociological punch, and it is also appetizingly readable. Clergé keeps the reader’smouth watering with each chapter title: Fish Soup, Callalloo, Children of the Yam, and Vanilla Black. These titles are not just empty flourishes. The chapter entitled “Blood Pudding,” for example, recounts not only the house bombings and racial terror that Black people endured when they moved to Queens and Long Island in large numbers in the mid-20th century, but also the erasure of Native Americans, and the 17th and 18th Century presence of 1,300 enslaved Black people in Queens, and 1,000 enslaved Black people in Nassau County. The food references offer rich cultural metaphors for the complex social process that Clergé analyzes in the book. A primary argument of The New Noir is that local places cannot be understood without adopting a global lens. Hence, although the book is about the “Black diasporic suburb”— as illustrated by a section of Queens pseudonymously called Cascades, and a section of Long Island called Great Park—the story reaches far beyond New York. As Clergé writes: “The racial caste system of Charleston, the uneven industrialization of Kingston, and the dictatorship politics of Port au Prince are interrelated global processes that have shaped Black migrant experiences and perspectives” (13). Of course Clergé could have also added sending cities and villages in Ghana, Nigeria, the Dominican Republic, and Colombia, but the book is already impressively comparative. The insight gained from integrating these groups and histories is a clear understanding of the contours of racial capitalism and its effects on traveling systems of stratification. For example, Clergé uses the label of the “brown middle class” to highlight similarities in skin tone stratification in Jamaica, Haiti, and the United States, but also to show how this bodily currency lost much of its power in the trip to the United States, especially for Haitians. Formerly upper class Haitians—driven out by the Duvalier regime—soon found themselves in the same