书评:《证据中的身体:性侵犯裁决中的种族、性别和科学》

IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES
Samantha Leonard
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This has the additional consequence of privileging certain forms of knowledge and knowledge-bearers as more authoritative and valuable on the topic of sexual violence. This ambitious text is the result of over four years of ethnographic and archival data collection in the Milwaukee County courthouse. The authors utilized a mixed-method, collaborative qualitative research approach that involved daily observations in the courthouse, beginning in May 2013, and totaling 688 court hearings and appearances. As feminist ethnographers, the authors are attentive to the intersection of race, sexuality, gender, and class throughout the text, beginning with their methodological reflections in the introduction. They center the methodological and ethical practice of witnessing violence, bearing witness to the manifold and complex consequences of intimate, interpersonal lives on individuals and their communities. As part of this practice, they reject the possibility of liberatory transformative potentials in criminal justice processes. Instead, they claim, through this research they bear witness to the role of sexual assault adjudication in reproducing social inequalities and violence. As they note, they were doing ethnography in their home community, which was (and continues to be) experiencing a crisis of mass incarceration. As feminist researchers, Hlavka and Mulla reflect not just on the definition of violence, but also the victim as ontological subject, finding that both lead necessarily to deep interrogation of the temporality, spatiality, and durability of victim status. They find the visibility and durability of victim status is stratified by race, gender, and sexuality and, through medical records and court archives, these stratifications endure as public record. The task of bearing witness is one that Hlavka and Mulla share with their readers through the structure of the book. The chapters proceed through the stages of a criminal trial from jury selection to sentencing to make visible the operations of the courtroom. While the authors organized the text in this manner to make more legible the complexities of these processes, at times the effect was confusing. Yet, this effect too is reflective of the experience for victims, defendants, and their families. In Chapter 1, we begin, as trials do, with the process of jury selection. In this process, Hlavka and Mulla argue, the “nomos of sexual assault” is reproduced, which they have defined as “the cultural contexts of rape and sexual assault as epistemological objects embedded with interpretive commitments that privilege legal interpretations as they are intertwined with the medicalization of the harm of rape” (41). 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引用次数: 1

摘要

凭借这本令人印象深刻的详细民族志,Hlavka和Mulla带领我们走过了裁决前后的过程,这些过程重新(锻造)了最初导致性暴力的性、性别和种族不平等。他们要求读者质疑我们对暴力和正义的定义,以了解尸体系统是如何以掩盖他人为代价,使暴力的某些行为、肇事者和受害者可见的。在这样做的过程中,他们展示了“裁决过程本身就是暴力的再现”(40),以强调参与性侵审判的人力成本。他们解释了法院系统的日常程序和记录保存实践如何将种族、性和性别的论述固定为永久公共记录的一部分,并产生持久的后果。这还有一个额外的后果,即使某些形式的知识和知识持有者在性暴力问题上更有权威和价值。这份雄心勃勃的文本是密尔沃基县法院四年多民族志和档案数据收集的结果。作者采用了一种混合方法,即合作定性研究方法,从2013年5月开始,在法院进行日常观察,共688次庭审和出庭。作为女权主义民族志学家,作者在整个文本中关注种族、性、性别和阶级的交叉,从他们在引言中的方法论思考开始。他们以目睹暴力的方法论和伦理实践为中心,见证亲密的人际生活对个人及其社区的多重复杂后果。作为这种做法的一部分,他们拒绝在刑事司法程序中释放变革潜力的可能性。相反,他们声称,通过这项研究,他们见证了性侵裁决在再现社会不平等和暴力方面的作用。正如他们所指出的,他们在自己的家乡社区进行民族志研究,那里正在(并将继续)经历大规模监禁的危机。作为女权主义研究者,Hlavka和Mulla不仅反思了暴力的定义,还反思了受害者作为本体论主体的问题,发现两者都必然导致对受害者地位的时间性、空间性和持久性的深刻质疑。他们发现,受害者身份的可见性和持久性是按种族、性别和性取向分层的,通过医疗记录和法庭档案,这些分层作为公共记录持续存在。Hlavka和Mulla通过这本书的结构与读者分享了作证的任务。这些章节贯穿了刑事审判的各个阶段,从陪审团的选择到宣判,以展示法庭的运作。虽然作者以这种方式组织文本,使这些过程的复杂性更加清晰易懂,但有时效果令人困惑。然而,这种影响也反映了受害者、被告及其家人的经历。在第一章中,我们和审判一样,从陪审团的选择过程开始。Hlavka和Mulla认为,在这个过程中,“性侵犯的法理”被复制,他们将其定义为“强奸和性侵犯的文化背景,作为嵌入解释承诺的认识论对象,这些解释承诺使法律解释享有特权,因为它们与强奸危害的医学化交织在一起”(41)。陪审团通过对中立和权威知识的法律虚构给予特权的方法,接受教育并选择对性暴力、种族、性别和性行为的某些理解。1120669 SREXXX10.1177/2326492221120669种族和民族社会学书评2022
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Book Review: Bodies in Evidence: Race, Gender, and Science in Sexual Assault Adjudication
With this impressively detailed ethnography, Hlavka and Mulla walk us through the processes, both before and after adjudication, that re(forge) the sexual, gender, and racial inequalities that produce sexual violence in the first place. They ask the reader to question our definitions of violence – and justice – to understand how the carceral system makes visible certain acts, perpetrators, and victims of violence at the expense of obscuring others. In doing so, they demonstrate how “the process of adjudication is itself a reproduction of violence” (40) to highlight the human costs of participation in sexual assault trials. They explain how the everyday routines and record-keeping practices of the court system fix discourses of race, sexuality, and gender as part of the permanent public record and with enduring consequences. This has the additional consequence of privileging certain forms of knowledge and knowledge-bearers as more authoritative and valuable on the topic of sexual violence. This ambitious text is the result of over four years of ethnographic and archival data collection in the Milwaukee County courthouse. The authors utilized a mixed-method, collaborative qualitative research approach that involved daily observations in the courthouse, beginning in May 2013, and totaling 688 court hearings and appearances. As feminist ethnographers, the authors are attentive to the intersection of race, sexuality, gender, and class throughout the text, beginning with their methodological reflections in the introduction. They center the methodological and ethical practice of witnessing violence, bearing witness to the manifold and complex consequences of intimate, interpersonal lives on individuals and their communities. As part of this practice, they reject the possibility of liberatory transformative potentials in criminal justice processes. Instead, they claim, through this research they bear witness to the role of sexual assault adjudication in reproducing social inequalities and violence. As they note, they were doing ethnography in their home community, which was (and continues to be) experiencing a crisis of mass incarceration. As feminist researchers, Hlavka and Mulla reflect not just on the definition of violence, but also the victim as ontological subject, finding that both lead necessarily to deep interrogation of the temporality, spatiality, and durability of victim status. They find the visibility and durability of victim status is stratified by race, gender, and sexuality and, through medical records and court archives, these stratifications endure as public record. The task of bearing witness is one that Hlavka and Mulla share with their readers through the structure of the book. The chapters proceed through the stages of a criminal trial from jury selection to sentencing to make visible the operations of the courtroom. While the authors organized the text in this manner to make more legible the complexities of these processes, at times the effect was confusing. Yet, this effect too is reflective of the experience for victims, defendants, and their families. In Chapter 1, we begin, as trials do, with the process of jury selection. In this process, Hlavka and Mulla argue, the “nomos of sexual assault” is reproduced, which they have defined as “the cultural contexts of rape and sexual assault as epistemological objects embedded with interpretive commitments that privilege legal interpretations as they are intertwined with the medicalization of the harm of rape” (41). Juries are educated and selected into certain understandings of sexual violence, race, gender, and sexuality through methods that privilege legal fictions of neutrality and authoritative knowledge. 1120669 SREXXX10.1177/23326492221120669Sociology of Race and EthnicityBook Review book-review2022
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CiteScore
4.90
自引率
6.70%
发文量
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