晚清民国时期的儒家朝圣

IF 0.4 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES
Jesse D. Sloane
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引用次数: 1

摘要

《成均东亚研究杂志》第17卷第2期©2017东亚研究学院。163-190 DOI: 10.21866/esjeas.2017.17.2.003作者电子邮件:sloanej@yonsei.ac.kr 163介绍朝圣实践可以通过其包容性和分裂性的结合,提供对社会的新视角,并提供脱离日常惯例和确认长期价值观和信仰的机会。理论研究主要集中在朝觐最为突出的社会,特别是穆斯林社会,在那里,前往麦加的朝觐是由前往圣地的ziyara补充的(Eickelman和Piscatori 1990, 5-6),以及中世纪的欧洲,朝觐吸引了来自社会各个阶层的参与者(Webb 2002, ix-xi)。即使是刻意世俗化的形式也可以具有教育意义,比如当殖民官僚生涯被描绘成一系列朝圣之旅,最终到达大都市时(Anderson 2006,53 - 58)。在21世纪,宗教朝圣的全球规模只会增加,即使一些人哀叹参与者对他们访问的地点的了解有限(Pazos 2014, 1-3)。最具影响力的理论框架旨在捕捉朝圣团结不同社会群体的能力是维克多·特纳的理论框架,他认为通过朝圣的共同行为,参与者创造了一个平等的“社区”,取代了通常将他们分开的社会差异(Naquin和Yü 1992,4 - 6)。然而,最近对典型案例的研究批评了naïve这种描述的理想主义,指出经济,被称为孔子的故乡,曲阜代表了一个神圣的空间,引发了旅行者深刻的情感,智力和表演反应。与神山的广泛吸引力相比,曲阜特别吸引了受过教育的精英。这些朝圣者熟悉并信奉儒家经典,但他们对曲阜的神圣特性的体验主要是通过它的物理位置、结构和遗迹。通过游记和地名志,孔氏家族作为向导的持续作用,以及空间本身的影响,明末形成的朝圣实践和叙述规范预示并塑造了民国时期不断扩大的朝圣者群体(包括精英女性、西方传教士和现代游客)的叙述。帝制晚期曲阜作为圣地的地位为民国时期曲阜的旅游、商业化和环境保护奠定了基础。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Confucian Pilgrimage in Late Imperial and Republican China
Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.17 No.2 © 2017 Academy of East Asian Studies. 163-190 DOI: 10.21866/esjeas.2017.17.2.003 email of the author: sloanej@yonsei.ac.kr 163 Introduction Pilgrimage practices can provide new perspectives on a society through their combination of inclusiveness and division, and the occasion they offer for both departure from everyday routines and confirmation of long-held values and beliefs. Theoretical studies have focused on societies where pilgrimage is most conspicuous, particularly Muslim societies, where the hajj to Mecca is complemented by ziyara to holy shrines (Eickelman and Piscatori 1990, 5–6), and medieval Europe, where pilgrimages drew participants from all levels of society (Webb 2002, ix–xi). Even deliberately secularized forms can be instructive, as when the colonial bureaucratic career is schematized as a series of pilgrimage circuits culminating at the metropole (Anderson 2006, 53–58). In the 21st century the global scale of religious pilgrimage has only increased, even as some lament participants’ limited understanding of the sites they visit (Pazos 2014, 1–3). The most influential theoretical framework aimed at capturing the capacity of pilgrimages to unite diverse social groups has been that of Victor Turner, who argues that through the shared act of pilgrimage, participants create an egalitarian “communitas” that replaces the social distinctions that normally divide them (Naquin and Yü 1992, 4–6). Recent studies of even paradigmatic cases, however, have critiqued the naïve idealism of this characterization, pointing to the economic, Known as the home of Confucius, Qufu represented a sacred space eliciting profound affective, intellectual, and performative responses from travelers. In contrast to the broad appeal of sacred mountains, Qufu specifically attracted educated elites. These pilgrims were familiar with and committed to the Confucian textual canon, yet their experience of Qufu’s sacred character was primarily through its physical locations, structures, and relics. Through travelogues and gazetteers, the continuing role of the Kong family as guides, and the influence of the space itself, norms of practicing and recounting the pilgrimage formed in the late Ming prefigured and shaped accounts through the Republican period by an expanding body of pilgrims including elite women, Western missionaries, and modern tourists. The late imperial status of Qufu as a sacred site laid the foundation for the tourism, commercialization, and environmental protection observed there during the Republican period.
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