IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY
D. Đurović
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引用次数: 0

摘要

尽管共产党在解放和革命斗争期间主张波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那三个民族的存在和平等,但在第二次世界大战结束时,穆斯林地位的政治路线发生了变化,并放弃了对其民族身份的确认。尽管“人民政府”对波斯尼亚人民“自由”表达伊斯兰宗教持立场,但解放后建立的政治环境和关系在某种程度上引导了穆斯林的民族“进化之路”。塞尔维亚人是民族解放斗争的主要力量,因此在战争结束后,他们被认为是新国家和秩序中最可靠的元素,这鼓励了伊斯兰信仰的共产主义者认同非正式战争胜利者的国家和波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的主要掌权者。结果是,大多数领导层和穆斯林党员接受了塞尔维亚国名,这反映了共产党对斯拉夫人民的进一步政策。然而,与穆斯林党员的国家取向以及CPY的政治亲和力和努力相反,穆斯林群众不接受塞尔维亚人,尤其是克罗地亚人的国家提名,而是“保留”了他们的种族身份,宣布自己尚未决定。这产生了矛盾的局势和政治对比,这是波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那政治局势的复杂因素之一。民族意识发展缓慢,过去面对自己知识分子的不同取向,波斯尼亚穆斯林群众发现自己处于CPY对其职位和国家提名的无原则政策与他们认同的土耳其传统遗产之间的“鸿沟”。他们经常自称土耳其人,暗示与伊斯兰信仰有联系,这种趋势一直持续到二十世纪下半叶。共产主义者禁止使用土耳其名字来表示当地穆斯林,并允许和促进对奥斯曼帝国过去的负面态度的表达,原因有两个。这样的任命与当前塑造穆斯林国家“进化道路”的政策以及反对“宗教落后影响”的斗争相冲突,因为土耳其的提名意味着相当于属于伊斯兰信仰。考虑到伊斯兰教是波斯尼亚穆斯林身份和社会存在的基本要素,该党的这种政策也是使共和国政治关系复杂化的一个重要因素。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
PROBLEM NACIONALNOG OPREDJELJENJA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKIH MUSLIMANA 1945–1954: IZMEĐU POLITIKE KPJ/SKJ I OSJEĆAJA PRIPADNOSTI „TURSKOJ VJERI“
Although the CPY advocated the existence and equality of the three peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the liberation and revolutionary struggles, at the end of the Second World War a change of political course on the status of Muslims and a renunciation of the affirmation of their national identity followed. Despite the fact that the “people’s government” took a position on the “free” national expression of the Bosnian population of the Islamic religion, the political circumstances and relations established after the liberation, to some extent, guided the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims. Serbs were the main force of the national liberation struggle, so after the war they were considered the most reliable element of the new state and order, which encouraged the communists of the Islamic faith to identify with the nation of the informal war victor and the leading people in power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The result was that the predominant number of the leadership and the Muslim party membership accepted the Serbian national name, which profiled the further policy of the CPY towards this Slavic people. However, contrary to the national orientation of the Muslim party membership and the political affinities and efforts of the CPY, the Muslim masses did not accept the Serbian, and especially the Croatian national nomination, but “kept” their ethnic identity, declaring themselves undecided. This generated a paradoxical situation and political contrast, which was one of the complicating factors of the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Poorly developed national consciousness, faced in the past with different orientations of their own intelligentsia, the Bosnian Muslim masses found themselves in a “gap” between the unprincipled policy of the CPY towards their position and national nomination, and the legacy of the Turkish tradition with which they identified. They often called themselves Turks, implying affiliation with the Islamic faith, and such tendencies persisted until the second half of the twentieth century. The communists suppressed the use of the Turkish name to denote local Muslims, and allowed and promoted the expression of negative attitudes towards the Ottoman imperial past, for which there were two reasons. Such an appointment clashed with the current policy of shaping the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims and the fight against the “backward influence of religion”, because the Turkish nomination meant the equivalent of belonging to the Islamic faith. Considering that Islam was a basic element of identity and social being for Bosnian Muslims, such a policy of the Party was also a significant factor in complicating political relations in the republic.
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来源期刊
Istorija 20. veka
Istorija 20. veka Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
30
审稿时长
30 weeks
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