普遍权利还是日常必需品?

IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY
Anna Delius
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引用次数: 2

摘要

波兰反对国家社会主义政府的反对派出现在20世纪70年代,主要是左倾知识分子与受压迫工人的政治接触。在他们的著作中,这些知识分子不仅针对该国的工人,还针对西欧左翼知识分子和政治家。本文通过对相关地下出版物的分析,展示了波兰知识分子如何根据他们的受众改变他们的修辞策略。因此,它挑战了1970年代以一种国际上突出的人权语言作为政治赋权主要工具的单一主题。尽管普遍化的人权话语消极地呈现了压迫和民主劳工结构的缺乏,但波兰内部知识分子和工人之间的辩论最初将这些问题视为从有形问题中推断出来的基本必需品。在经过两年的组织工作后,总部位于华沙的工人保卫委员会在其“工人权利宪章”(1979年)中将镇压描述为对人权和劳工权利的侵犯。措词变化如此之大,是因为《宪章》不仅涉及工人,而且还涉及国际和国家一级的不同目标群体。即便如此,在波兰劳工抗议的背景下,对镇压的单一叙述比采用普遍的人权语言更有意义。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Universal Rights or Everyday Necessities?
Polish opposition against the state-socialist government emerged out of the political engagement of predominantly left-leaning intellectuals with repressed workers in the 1970s. In their writings, these intellectuals addressed not only workers in the country, but also Western European left-wing intellectuals and politicians. Based on an analysis of relevant samizdat publications, this article shows how Polish intellectuals modified their rhetorical strategies depending on their audience. It thus challenges the monothematic focus on an internationally salient human rights language as the main tool for political empowerment during the 1970s. Whereas the universalizing human rights discourse presented repression and the lack of democratic labor structures negatively, the inner Polish debate between intellectuals and workers initially framed these issues as basic necessities deduced from tangible problems. It was only after two years of organizational work that the Warsaw-based Workers’ Defense Committee, in their “Charter of Workers’ Rights” (1979), depicted repression as a violation of human and labor rights. The rhetoric changed so drastically because the Charter addressed not only workers, but also different target groups on an international and national level. Even so, a singularizing narrative of repression made more sense in the context of Polish labor protests than the adoption of a universalizing human rights language.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
23
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