我们做什么,别人对我们做什么。大学政治斗争

IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q3 CULTURAL STUDIES
Caroline Ibos, E. Fassin
{"title":"我们做什么,别人对我们做什么。大学政治斗争","authors":"Caroline Ibos, E. Fassin","doi":"10.1177/09571558231175399","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In France, successive Ministers of the Interior systematically come to the defense of the police. By contrast, their colleagues in Higher Education and Research don't hesitate to join in attacks on academics. This is how Frédérique Vidal ended up in 2021 echoing the polemics launched the year before by the President of the Republic, Emmanuel Macron, and then by the Minister of National Education, Jean-Michel Blanquer. However, the campaign against “Islamo-leftism” was preceded by other offensives against higher education and research: university autonomy was thus challenged … in the name of autonomy. As the reforms have progressed, higher education and research have been subjected to an authoritarian neoliberal regime, under the leadership of managers rather than colleagues, in a logic of competition that is supposed to guarantee excellence at the service of the economy. Just like a company, isn't the CNRS run by a CEO? Today, the takeover of ESR is inseparably ideological and economic. Thus, the increase in university fees for non-Europeans has used xenophobia to promote a neoliberal conception of studies. The threats to the academic world cannot be understood without articulating these distinct but intertwined logics. How can we tell the story of the attacks we are suffering, without erasing the struggles we are waging? For there is a great risk, in taking power as the object, of underestimating the role of counterpower that academics can still play in a country that is heir to a tradition of the “intellectual” as a figure of commitment. On the one hand, the multiple offensives of successive governments, whether directed at university policy or academics, have met with considerable resistance. Far from being reduced to inaction, the academic world is mobilizing strongly. But it's not just a question of reaction. On the other hand, the governmental campaigns themselves must be understood as forms of reaction against the politicization of academics: far from being passive victims, they play an active role. This is precisely the reason why ministers try to bring them into line: in France, the university is not isolated from society, as a campus can be. Critical knowledge circulates with social movements. In other words, campaigns targeting the academic world are proof that it is not without political importance. It's a form of recognition of the role it plays and can play. Anti-university politics today can be understood as a game of action and dreaction.","PeriodicalId":12398,"journal":{"name":"French Cultural Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"284 - 300"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2023-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Ce que nous faisons, et ce que l'on nous fait. Les luttes politiques universitaires\",\"authors\":\"Caroline Ibos, E. Fassin\",\"doi\":\"10.1177/09571558231175399\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"In France, successive Ministers of the Interior systematically come to the defense of the police. By contrast, their colleagues in Higher Education and Research don't hesitate to join in attacks on academics. This is how Frédérique Vidal ended up in 2021 echoing the polemics launched the year before by the President of the Republic, Emmanuel Macron, and then by the Minister of National Education, Jean-Michel Blanquer. However, the campaign against “Islamo-leftism” was preceded by other offensives against higher education and research: university autonomy was thus challenged … in the name of autonomy. As the reforms have progressed, higher education and research have been subjected to an authoritarian neoliberal regime, under the leadership of managers rather than colleagues, in a logic of competition that is supposed to guarantee excellence at the service of the economy. Just like a company, isn't the CNRS run by a CEO? Today, the takeover of ESR is inseparably ideological and economic. Thus, the increase in university fees for non-Europeans has used xenophobia to promote a neoliberal conception of studies. The threats to the academic world cannot be understood without articulating these distinct but intertwined logics. How can we tell the story of the attacks we are suffering, without erasing the struggles we are waging? For there is a great risk, in taking power as the object, of underestimating the role of counterpower that academics can still play in a country that is heir to a tradition of the “intellectual” as a figure of commitment. On the one hand, the multiple offensives of successive governments, whether directed at university policy or academics, have met with considerable resistance. Far from being reduced to inaction, the academic world is mobilizing strongly. But it's not just a question of reaction. On the other hand, the governmental campaigns themselves must be understood as forms of reaction against the politicization of academics: far from being passive victims, they play an active role. This is precisely the reason why ministers try to bring them into line: in France, the university is not isolated from society, as a campus can be. Critical knowledge circulates with social movements. In other words, campaigns targeting the academic world are proof that it is not without political importance. It's a form of recognition of the role it plays and can play. Anti-university politics today can be understood as a game of action and dreaction.\",\"PeriodicalId\":12398,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"French Cultural Studies\",\"volume\":\"34 1\",\"pages\":\"284 - 300\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.4000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-07-21\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"French Cultural Studies\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"90\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1177/09571558231175399\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q3\",\"JCRName\":\"CULTURAL STUDIES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"French Cultural Studies","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09571558231175399","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"CULTURAL STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

摘要

在法国,历任内政部长都有系统地为警察辩护。相比之下,他们在高等教育和研究领域的同事们毫不犹豫地加入了对学者的攻击。这就是弗雷德里克·维达尔在2021年的结局,呼应了前一年共和国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙和国民教育部长让-米歇尔·布朗克发起的争论。然而,在反对“伊斯兰左派”的运动之前,还发生了其他针对高等教育和研究的攻势:因此,大学自治受到了挑战……以自治的名义。随着改革的进展,高等教育和研究一直处于一个独裁的新自由主义政权之下,由管理者而非同事领导,这是一种竞争逻辑,本应保证卓越的经济服务。就像一家公司一样,CNRS不是由首席执行官管理的吗?今天,收购ESR是不可分割的意识形态和经济因素。因此,非欧洲人大学学费的上涨利用仇外心理来促进新自由主义的学习观。如果不阐明这些不同但相互交织的逻辑,就无法理解学术界面临的威胁。我们如何在不抹杀我们正在进行的斗争的情况下讲述我们正在遭受的袭击的故事?因为在一个继承了“知识分子”作为承诺人物的传统的国家,以权力为对象存在着低估学术界仍然可以发挥的反权力作用的巨大风险。一方面,历届政府的多次攻势,无论是针对大学政策还是学术界,都遇到了相当大的阻力。学术界非但没有沦为无所作为,反而在大力动员。但这不仅仅是反应的问题。另一方面,政府运动本身必须被理解为反对学术政治化的反应形式:它们远非被动的受害者,而是发挥着积极的作用。这正是部长们试图让他们保持一致的原因:在法国,大学并不像校园那样与社会隔绝。批判性知识随着社会运动而传播。换言之,针对学术界的运动证明了这并非没有政治重要性。这是对它所扮演和可以扮演的角色的一种认可。今天的反大学政治可以被理解为一场行动和失败的游戏。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Ce que nous faisons, et ce que l'on nous fait. Les luttes politiques universitaires
In France, successive Ministers of the Interior systematically come to the defense of the police. By contrast, their colleagues in Higher Education and Research don't hesitate to join in attacks on academics. This is how Frédérique Vidal ended up in 2021 echoing the polemics launched the year before by the President of the Republic, Emmanuel Macron, and then by the Minister of National Education, Jean-Michel Blanquer. However, the campaign against “Islamo-leftism” was preceded by other offensives against higher education and research: university autonomy was thus challenged … in the name of autonomy. As the reforms have progressed, higher education and research have been subjected to an authoritarian neoliberal regime, under the leadership of managers rather than colleagues, in a logic of competition that is supposed to guarantee excellence at the service of the economy. Just like a company, isn't the CNRS run by a CEO? Today, the takeover of ESR is inseparably ideological and economic. Thus, the increase in university fees for non-Europeans has used xenophobia to promote a neoliberal conception of studies. The threats to the academic world cannot be understood without articulating these distinct but intertwined logics. How can we tell the story of the attacks we are suffering, without erasing the struggles we are waging? For there is a great risk, in taking power as the object, of underestimating the role of counterpower that academics can still play in a country that is heir to a tradition of the “intellectual” as a figure of commitment. On the one hand, the multiple offensives of successive governments, whether directed at university policy or academics, have met with considerable resistance. Far from being reduced to inaction, the academic world is mobilizing strongly. But it's not just a question of reaction. On the other hand, the governmental campaigns themselves must be understood as forms of reaction against the politicization of academics: far from being passive victims, they play an active role. This is precisely the reason why ministers try to bring them into line: in France, the university is not isolated from society, as a campus can be. Critical knowledge circulates with social movements. In other words, campaigns targeting the academic world are proof that it is not without political importance. It's a form of recognition of the role it plays and can play. Anti-university politics today can be understood as a game of action and dreaction.
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
CiteScore
0.70
自引率
0.00%
发文量
20
期刊介绍: French Cultural Studies is a fully peer reviewed international journal that publishes international research on all aspects of French culture in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Articles are welcome on such areas as cinema, television and radio, the press, the visual arts, popular culture, cultural policy and cultural and intellectual debate. French Cultural Studies is designed to respond to the important changes that have affected the study of French culture, language and society in all sections of the education system. The journal encourages and provides a forum for the full range of work being done on all aspects of modern French culture.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信