生命伦理与法律论坛*:克隆-生命的问题

Christopher de Jonge
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This is a difficult question to address, especially when the issue being studied has an inexorable relationship with those making the evaluation (eg, clerics, politicians, and the lay community).</p><p>Cloning, or more generally, manipulation of the human reproductive process, is mired in politics, religion, and hyperbole. One central conundrum of the ethics of cloning is the relationship between the abstraction of when human life begins; that is to say, when the human embryo becomes distinct and separate from all other life forms during embryogenesis, and thus, the moral status of the human embryo. For some religious groups, human life becomes distinct at conception, and as such, the embryo merits the same rights and respect as you or me. In the reproductive sciences and for some countries in which in vitro fertilization is government-regulated, human life becomes distinct from other mammalian life forms at Day 14, when neural tube development begins. Can a globally acceptable definition for when human life begins be identified? The answer, clearly, is no. But why not?</p><p>The ability to clone embryos has caused a dramatic increase in the scrutiny of areas in science and medicine that are already the object of criticism. To make matters exponentially worse are the proclamations by individuals who are bent on cloning for the purpose of reproducing humans. One scientist, Dr Brigitte Boisselier (see http:www.clonaid.com), is linked to a cult of people, the Raelians (http:www.rael.org), who identify with extraterres-trials. Reports state that the daughter of Dr Boisselier has volunteered to act as a gestational surrogate for such experiments. Two other scientists, Drs Severino Antinori and Panayiotis Zavos, are pursuing cloning for the purpose of human duplication under the pretext of remedying infertility. These few renegade scientists are in the minority relative to the vast majority of scientists on a global scale who oppose cloning for purposes of human propagation.</p><p>In the United States, reproductive and therapeutic cloning have become inexorably linked. This link has been reinforced through the media-covered side-circus provided by the Raelians, Drs Antinori and Zavos, and through publicized debate on the topics in the US Congress. Arguably, the inability to distinguish between reproductive and therapeutic cloning was exacerbated on Thursday, August 9, 2001, when President Bush thrust bioethics into the nation's consciousness. In his targeted speech, President Bush stated:</p><p>President Bush, rightly or wrongly, made several conclusions as proxy for a diverse American population. First, he provided definition for when human life begins and the moral status of the human embryo. Second, he took the paradoxical position (by splitting a moral hair) of supporting an investigation of cloning existing cell lines and opposing an investigation that would create new cell lines. And last, he made the two distinct forms of cloning equal and indistinguishable. In regards to the latter, one member of the President's Council on Bioethics stated for the record, “I myself do not believe that there is a distinction between reproductive and therapeutic cloning.”</p><p>President Bush and many in his party heartily embrace conservative social policies. This conservatism is often supported and reinforced by the application of religious beliefs. Religious ideology contributes strongly to the question of when human life begins and to defining the moral status of the human embryo. I would speculate that our president and those who are like-minded in the religious right define the start of human life at conception, believing that the embryo at this early stage of human development merits the same moral status as you or me. If this reasoning were plausible, then the same individuals would have to conclude that any form of cloning using human embryos is morally wrong, or their arguments would be logically inconsistent.</p><p>On April 10, 2002, President Bush convened a gathering of politicos to reinforce opposition to human cloning for reproductive or medical purposes. In a <i>New York Times</i> article the same day (April 10, 2002), physician Senator Bill Frist (R-Tenn) was quoted as saying, “After considering the overwhelming ethical concerns about human embryo cloning experimentation, I conclude that a comprehensive ban on all human cloning is the right policy at this time” (Stolberg, 2002a).</p><p>In contrast, Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif), part of a coalition that supports therapeutic cloning, stated, “This (therapeutic cloning) is a very promising field of research.” To ban all forms of cloning, she said, is “like throwing the baby out with the bathwater.” This statement by Senator Feinstein serves to reinforce how therapeutic and reproductive cloning have become indistinguishable in the minds of some. When Senator Feinstein's statement is reconstructed in the context of the opening question in this current essay, it translates as: How can an accurate determination of baby versus bathwater be made before discarding some or all of the parts? Alternatively, how can an accurate determination be made concerning the merit of therapeutic versus reproductive cloning when the two have become indistinguishable?</p><p>The President's Council on Bioethics, chaired by Leon R. Kass, a bioethicist who adamantly opposes cloning for any reason, convened a meeting February 13, 2002, to address the scientific and medical aspects of human cloning (transcript available at http:www.bioethics.govtranscript.html). The Council was comprised of prestigious scientific and medical experts. Integral in the day's proceedings was a report delivered by Dr Irving Weissman, chairman of the National Academies Panel on Scientific and Medical Aspects of Human Cloning (National Research Council, 2002). Summarizing the report, Dr Weissman stated:</p><p>The conclusion in the National Academies' stem cell report (National Research Council, 2001) committee, chaired by Bert Vogelstein, PhD, “… recommended that biomedical research using nuclear transplantation to produce stem cells be permitted. A broad national dialogue on the societal, religious and ethical issues is encouraged on this matter.” The conclusions made by both panels of the National Academy were unanimous.</p><p>The quantitative and qualitative data show that reproductive cloning is not efficient and often has dramatic negative results. Should these non-human animal out-comes surface in human application, one cannot help but picture the “production” of monsters. Gross atypical abnormalities have been witnessed in numerous fetal animal clones. One-third of animal clone offspring die shortly before or shortly after birth. Even those that appear normal when born sometimes die later of heart, lung, or immune problems. So, regardless of where one might stand on the issue of the moral status of the human embryo, one would be hard-pressed to find unanimity in favor of cloning humans. Thus, one can side easily with the conclusions drawn by the aforementioned panels and support a global ban on reproductive cloning. But in practice, such a ban will be very difficult if not impossible to enforce. The avalanche has already started and likely cannot be stopped, largely because of consumerism. Dr Zavos stated at a human cloning conference in Rome, Italy, March 2001, “The genie is out of the bottle. We need to make sure it is bottled and disseminated responsibly.” One can envision the purchase of a bottle containing the human clone du jour. The consumer, whether an infertile couple, a couple desiring to replace a dying or dead loved one, or the egotist wanting to copy himself or herself, will become aware that the technology exists and their demands can be satisfied. If consumers are not able to have their demands met locally, surely they will shop elsewhere (eg, in a country that lacks enforceable restriction on reproductive cloning).</p><p>At this point the global community must begin to openly address the following issues and consequences as they relate to reproductive cloning:</p><p>So what about therapeutic cloning? The benefit of therapeutic cloning remains largely undiscovered because the value will be revealed only when the technology is clinically applied. Although results from current in vitro experiments portend clinical therapeutic success, more data are needed. The United Kingdom has recently permitted cloning by special license, and only to day 14 of embryo development. With the stage set, more data will come from ongoing research in the United Kingdom and other countries with less restrictive research policies. In the United States, the data will come as well, but much slower, through privately funded research and without appropriate oversight to ensure checks and balances. The absence of government funding as a result of President Bush's ban on the use of federal dollars for certain types of research instills and reinforces the notion in lay and other communities that research cloning is illicit, nefarious, and should be considered by all as morally wrong (this was also reinforced by the president's speech on the issue).</p><p>On July 11, 2002, <i>The New York Times</i> published the executive summary of a report by the President's Council on Bioethics (Stolberg, 2002b), which had been generated from meetings held earlier in the year (available at http:www.bioethics.govtranscript.html). The Council agreed unanimously that cloning to duplicate a human was unsafe and unethical. Perhaps more important was the conclusion that cloning for biomedical research should not be banned outright, but rather prohibited during a 4-year moratorium, allowing time for more public debate. In a split vote, 10 of the 18 members of the President's Council on Bioethics supported a 4-year moratorium on research that uses cloned embryos, and it is applicable to all researchers regardless of whether federal funds are involved. Seven members of the council argued that the research should be allowed but only with strict federal regulation. One member abstained. The executive summary commented on the vote by saying that the difference in voting reflected “the differences of opinion in American society… some of us hold that cloning for biomedical research can never be ethically pursued, and endorse a moratorium to enable us to continue to make our case in a more democratic way… others of us support the moratorium because it would provide the time and incentive required to provide a system of national regulation.”</p><p>While US government-supported nuclear transplantation research has been grounded, the nonregulated research genie has long since left the bottle and is currently flying without instruments amid heavy storms.</p>","PeriodicalId":15029,"journal":{"name":"Journal of andrology","volume":"24 2","pages":"164-166"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2013-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1002/j.1939-4640.2003.tb02656.x","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Bioethics and Law Forum*: Cloning—A Matter of Life\",\"authors\":\"Christopher de Jonge\",\"doi\":\"10.1002/j.1939-4640.2003.tb02656.x\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>Therapeutic cloning, or more accurately, as suggested by Vogelstein et al (2002), nuclear transplantation, is intended to “treat a specific disease of tissue degeneration.” As its name implies, the purpose of reproductive cloning is to replicate or duplicate a human. For the purpose of this article, the terms <i>therapeutic cloning</i> and <i>reproductive cloning</i> will be used because they are readily recognized and it suits the central question of this article, which is: Can cloning, whether therapeutic or reproductive, be objectively evaluated for use? This is a difficult question to address, especially when the issue being studied has an inexorable relationship with those making the evaluation (eg, clerics, politicians, and the lay community).</p><p>Cloning, or more generally, manipulation of the human reproductive process, is mired in politics, religion, and hyperbole. One central conundrum of the ethics of cloning is the relationship between the abstraction of when human life begins; that is to say, when the human embryo becomes distinct and separate from all other life forms during embryogenesis, and thus, the moral status of the human embryo. For some religious groups, human life becomes distinct at conception, and as such, the embryo merits the same rights and respect as you or me. In the reproductive sciences and for some countries in which in vitro fertilization is government-regulated, human life becomes distinct from other mammalian life forms at Day 14, when neural tube development begins. Can a globally acceptable definition for when human life begins be identified? The answer, clearly, is no. But why not?</p><p>The ability to clone embryos has caused a dramatic increase in the scrutiny of areas in science and medicine that are already the object of criticism. To make matters exponentially worse are the proclamations by individuals who are bent on cloning for the purpose of reproducing humans. One scientist, Dr Brigitte Boisselier (see http:www.clonaid.com), is linked to a cult of people, the Raelians (http:www.rael.org), who identify with extraterres-trials. Reports state that the daughter of Dr Boisselier has volunteered to act as a gestational surrogate for such experiments. Two other scientists, Drs Severino Antinori and Panayiotis Zavos, are pursuing cloning for the purpose of human duplication under the pretext of remedying infertility. These few renegade scientists are in the minority relative to the vast majority of scientists on a global scale who oppose cloning for purposes of human propagation.</p><p>In the United States, reproductive and therapeutic cloning have become inexorably linked. This link has been reinforced through the media-covered side-circus provided by the Raelians, Drs Antinori and Zavos, and through publicized debate on the topics in the US Congress. Arguably, the inability to distinguish between reproductive and therapeutic cloning was exacerbated on Thursday, August 9, 2001, when President Bush thrust bioethics into the nation's consciousness. In his targeted speech, President Bush stated:</p><p>President Bush, rightly or wrongly, made several conclusions as proxy for a diverse American population. First, he provided definition for when human life begins and the moral status of the human embryo. Second, he took the paradoxical position (by splitting a moral hair) of supporting an investigation of cloning existing cell lines and opposing an investigation that would create new cell lines. And last, he made the two distinct forms of cloning equal and indistinguishable. In regards to the latter, one member of the President's Council on Bioethics stated for the record, “I myself do not believe that there is a distinction between reproductive and therapeutic cloning.”</p><p>President Bush and many in his party heartily embrace conservative social policies. This conservatism is often supported and reinforced by the application of religious beliefs. Religious ideology contributes strongly to the question of when human life begins and to defining the moral status of the human embryo. I would speculate that our president and those who are like-minded in the religious right define the start of human life at conception, believing that the embryo at this early stage of human development merits the same moral status as you or me. If this reasoning were plausible, then the same individuals would have to conclude that any form of cloning using human embryos is morally wrong, or their arguments would be logically inconsistent.</p><p>On April 10, 2002, President Bush convened a gathering of politicos to reinforce opposition to human cloning for reproductive or medical purposes. In a <i>New York Times</i> article the same day (April 10, 2002), physician Senator Bill Frist (R-Tenn) was quoted as saying, “After considering the overwhelming ethical concerns about human embryo cloning experimentation, I conclude that a comprehensive ban on all human cloning is the right policy at this time” (Stolberg, 2002a).</p><p>In contrast, Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif), part of a coalition that supports therapeutic cloning, stated, “This (therapeutic cloning) is a very promising field of research.” To ban all forms of cloning, she said, is “like throwing the baby out with the bathwater.” This statement by Senator Feinstein serves to reinforce how therapeutic and reproductive cloning have become indistinguishable in the minds of some. When Senator Feinstein's statement is reconstructed in the context of the opening question in this current essay, it translates as: How can an accurate determination of baby versus bathwater be made before discarding some or all of the parts? Alternatively, how can an accurate determination be made concerning the merit of therapeutic versus reproductive cloning when the two have become indistinguishable?</p><p>The President's Council on Bioethics, chaired by Leon R. Kass, a bioethicist who adamantly opposes cloning for any reason, convened a meeting February 13, 2002, to address the scientific and medical aspects of human cloning (transcript available at http:www.bioethics.govtranscript.html). The Council was comprised of prestigious scientific and medical experts. Integral in the day's proceedings was a report delivered by Dr Irving Weissman, chairman of the National Academies Panel on Scientific and Medical Aspects of Human Cloning (National Research Council, 2002). Summarizing the report, Dr Weissman stated:</p><p>The conclusion in the National Academies' stem cell report (National Research Council, 2001) committee, chaired by Bert Vogelstein, PhD, “… recommended that biomedical research using nuclear transplantation to produce stem cells be permitted. A broad national dialogue on the societal, religious and ethical issues is encouraged on this matter.” The conclusions made by both panels of the National Academy were unanimous.</p><p>The quantitative and qualitative data show that reproductive cloning is not efficient and often has dramatic negative results. Should these non-human animal out-comes surface in human application, one cannot help but picture the “production” of monsters. Gross atypical abnormalities have been witnessed in numerous fetal animal clones. One-third of animal clone offspring die shortly before or shortly after birth. Even those that appear normal when born sometimes die later of heart, lung, or immune problems. So, regardless of where one might stand on the issue of the moral status of the human embryo, one would be hard-pressed to find unanimity in favor of cloning humans. Thus, one can side easily with the conclusions drawn by the aforementioned panels and support a global ban on reproductive cloning. But in practice, such a ban will be very difficult if not impossible to enforce. The avalanche has already started and likely cannot be stopped, largely because of consumerism. Dr Zavos stated at a human cloning conference in Rome, Italy, March 2001, “The genie is out of the bottle. We need to make sure it is bottled and disseminated responsibly.” One can envision the purchase of a bottle containing the human clone du jour. The consumer, whether an infertile couple, a couple desiring to replace a dying or dead loved one, or the egotist wanting to copy himself or herself, will become aware that the technology exists and their demands can be satisfied. If consumers are not able to have their demands met locally, surely they will shop elsewhere (eg, in a country that lacks enforceable restriction on reproductive cloning).</p><p>At this point the global community must begin to openly address the following issues and consequences as they relate to reproductive cloning:</p><p>So what about therapeutic cloning? The benefit of therapeutic cloning remains largely undiscovered because the value will be revealed only when the technology is clinically applied. Although results from current in vitro experiments portend clinical therapeutic success, more data are needed. The United Kingdom has recently permitted cloning by special license, and only to day 14 of embryo development. With the stage set, more data will come from ongoing research in the United Kingdom and other countries with less restrictive research policies. In the United States, the data will come as well, but much slower, through privately funded research and without appropriate oversight to ensure checks and balances. The absence of government funding as a result of President Bush's ban on the use of federal dollars for certain types of research instills and reinforces the notion in lay and other communities that research cloning is illicit, nefarious, and should be considered by all as morally wrong (this was also reinforced by the president's speech on the issue).</p><p>On July 11, 2002, <i>The New York Times</i> published the executive summary of a report by the President's Council on Bioethics (Stolberg, 2002b), which had been generated from meetings held earlier in the year (available at http:www.bioethics.govtranscript.html). The Council agreed unanimously that cloning to duplicate a human was unsafe and unethical. Perhaps more important was the conclusion that cloning for biomedical research should not be banned outright, but rather prohibited during a 4-year moratorium, allowing time for more public debate. In a split vote, 10 of the 18 members of the President's Council on Bioethics supported a 4-year moratorium on research that uses cloned embryos, and it is applicable to all researchers regardless of whether federal funds are involved. Seven members of the council argued that the research should be allowed but only with strict federal regulation. One member abstained. The executive summary commented on the vote by saying that the difference in voting reflected “the differences of opinion in American society… some of us hold that cloning for biomedical research can never be ethically pursued, and endorse a moratorium to enable us to continue to make our case in a more democratic way… others of us support the moratorium because it would provide the time and incentive required to provide a system of national regulation.”</p><p>While US government-supported nuclear transplantation research has been grounded, the nonregulated research genie has long since left the bottle and is currently flying without instruments amid heavy storms.</p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":15029,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of andrology\",\"volume\":\"24 2\",\"pages\":\"164-166\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2013-01-02\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1002/j.1939-4640.2003.tb02656.x\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of andrology\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/j.1939-4640.2003.tb02656.x\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of andrology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/j.1939-4640.2003.tb02656.x","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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摘要

治疗性克隆,或者更准确地说,如Vogelstein等人(2002)所建议的,核移植,旨在“治疗特定的组织变性疾病”。顾名思义,生殖性克隆的目的是复制或复制一个人。出于本文的目的,将使用治疗性克隆和生殖性克隆这两个术语,因为它们很容易被识别,并且适合本文的中心问题,即:无论是治疗性克隆还是生殖性克隆,是否可以客观地评估其使用?这是一个很难回答的问题,特别是当所研究的问题与做出评价的人(例如神职人员、政治家和世俗团体)有着不可避免的关系时。克隆,或者更普遍地说,对人类生殖过程的操纵,陷入了政治、宗教和夸张的泥潭。克隆伦理的一个核心难题是人类生命何时开始的抽象概念;也就是说,当人类胚胎在胚胎发生过程中与所有其他生命形式区别开来,因此,人类胚胎的道德地位。对于一些宗教团体来说,人的生命在受孕时就变得与众不同,因此,胚胎应该享有和你我一样的权利和尊重。在生殖科学领域,以及在一些体外受精由政府监管的国家,人类生命在第14天开始与其他哺乳动物生命形式区别开来,那时神经管开始发育。人类生命何时开始,能否确定一个全球可接受的定义?答案显然是否定的。为什么不呢?克隆胚胎的能力已经引起了对科学和医学领域的审查的急剧增加,这些领域已经成为批评的对象。使事情成倍恶化的是那些为了繁殖人类而决意进行克隆的个人的声明。一位名叫Brigitte Boisselier博士(见网址:www.clonaid.com)的科学家,与一群认同外星人审判的人——雷尔利安(网址:www.rael.org)——有联系。有报道称,布瓦塞利耶博士的女儿自愿充当此类实验的代孕母亲。另外两位科学家,Severino Antinori博士和Panayiotis Zavos博士,正在以治疗不孕症为借口,以复制人类为目的进行克隆。相对于全球范围内反对以人类繁殖为目的的克隆技术的绝大多数科学家来说,这几个叛逆的科学家只是少数。在美国,生殖性克隆和治疗性克隆已经不可避免地联系在一起。这种联系通过雷尔人、安蒂诺里博士和扎沃斯博士提供的被媒体覆盖的马戏团,以及通过美国国会关于这些话题的公开辩论,得到了加强。可以说,在2001年8月9日星期四,布什总统把生物伦理学推入国民的意识中,这种无法区分生殖性克隆和治疗性克隆的情况更加恶化了。布什总统在他的针对性演讲中说:“布什总统,无论正确与否,都代表了多元化的美国人口做出了几个结论。首先,他定义了人类生命的开始时间和人类胚胎的道德地位。其次,他采取了自相矛盾的立场(在道德上挑拨离间),既支持对克隆现有细胞系进行调查,又反对对创造新细胞系进行调查。最后,他使两种不同形式的克隆是平等的,不可区分的。关于后者,总统生命伦理委员会的一名成员公开声明:“我本人不认为生殖性克隆和治疗性克隆有区别。”布什总统和他的党内许多人衷心拥护保守的社会政策。这种保守主义常常得到宗教信仰的支持和加强。宗教意识形态对人类生命何时开始的问题以及对人类胚胎的道德地位的定义作出了重大贡献。我推测,我们的总统和那些在宗教权利方面志同道合的人将人类生命的开始定义为受孕,他们认为胚胎在人类发展的早期阶段应该享有与你我一样的道德地位。如果这个推理是合理的,那么这些人就会得出结论,使用人类胚胎进行任何形式的克隆在道德上都是错误的,或者他们的论点在逻辑上是不一致的。2002年4月10日,布什总统召集政界人士开会,加强反对为生殖或医疗目的克隆人类。同一天(2002年4月10日),《纽约时报》的一篇文章引用了内科医生参议员比尔·弗里斯特(R-Tenn)的话说:“在考虑了对人类胚胎克隆实验的压倒性伦理关切之后,我得出结论,全面禁止所有人类克隆是目前正确的政策”(斯托尔伯格,2002)。 相反,支持治疗性克隆的联盟成员之一、加州民主党参议员黛安·范斯坦(Dianne Feinstein)表示:“这(治疗性克隆)是一个非常有前途的研究领域。”她说,禁止一切形式的克隆,就像“把婴儿连同洗澡水一起倒掉”。范斯坦参议员的这番话进一步说明,在一些人的心目中,治疗性克隆和生殖性克隆是无法区分的。当参议员范斯坦的声明在本文开头问题的背景下被重新构建时,它被翻译为:在丢弃部分或全部部分之前,如何准确地确定婴儿和洗澡水?或者,当治疗性克隆和生殖性克隆变得难以区分时,如何准确地确定两者的优点?由莱昂·r·卡斯(Leon R. Kass)担任主席的总统生命伦理委员会于2002年2月13日召开了一次会议,讨论克隆人在科学和医学方面的问题。卡斯是一位坚决反对以任何理由进行克隆的生物伦理学家。该委员会由著名的科学和医学专家组成。在当天的会议中,欧文·韦斯曼博士(Irving Weissman)发表了一份报告,他是美国国家科学院克隆人的科学和医学问题小组主席(国家研究委员会,2002年)。Weissman博士在总结报告时说:由Bert Vogelstein博士担任主席的国家科学院干细胞报告(国家研究委员会,2001年)委员会的结论“……建议允许使用核移植来产生干细胞的生物医学研究。鼓励就这一问题就社会、宗教和伦理问题进行广泛的全国对话。”美国国家科学院的两个小组得出的结论是一致的。定量和定性数据表明,生殖性克隆效率不高,往往有显著的负面结果。如果这些非人类的动物结果在人类应用中出现,人们不禁会想象出怪物的“生产”。在许多胚胎动物克隆中都有明显的非典型异常。三分之一的动物克隆后代在出生前不久或出生后不久死亡。即使是那些出生时看起来正常的人,有时也会死于心脏、肺或免疫问题。因此,无论一个人在人类胚胎的道德地位问题上站在哪一边,他都很难找到赞成克隆人类的一致意见。因此,人们可以很容易地与上述小组得出的结论站在一边,并支持全球禁止生殖克隆。但在实践中,这样的禁令即使不是不可能执行,也是非常困难的。雪崩已经开始,而且可能无法阻止,这主要是因为消费主义。2001年3月,扎沃斯博士在意大利罗马举行的人类克隆会议上说:“妖怪已经从瓶子里出来了。我们需要确保以负责任的方式装瓶和传播。”人们可以想象购买一瓶装有克隆人的瓶子。消费者,无论是不孕不育的夫妇,想要替代即将死去的爱人的夫妇,还是想要复制自己的自我主义者,都会意识到这项技术的存在,他们的需求可以得到满足。如果消费者的需求不能在当地得到满足,他们肯定会去别处购买(例如,在一个对生殖性克隆缺乏强制限制的国家)。在这一点上,国际社会必须开始公开处理以下与生殖克隆有关的问题和后果:那么治疗性克隆呢?治疗性克隆的好处在很大程度上还没有被发现,因为只有当这项技术被临床应用时,它的价值才会显现出来。虽然目前体外实验的结果预示着临床治疗的成功,但还需要更多的数据。英国最近通过特别许可允许克隆,并且只允许胚胎发育到第14天。随着舞台的搭建,更多的数据将来自英国和其他研究政策限制较少的国家正在进行的研究。在美国,数据也会出现,但速度要慢得多,而且是通过私人资助的研究,而且没有适当的监督来确保制衡。由于布什总统禁止将联邦资金用于某些类型的研究而导致政府资金的缺乏,这在非专业人士和其他群体中逐渐灌输并强化了一种观念,即研究克隆是非法的、邪恶的,应该被所有人视为道德上的错误(总统关于这个问题的演讲也强化了这一点)。2002年7月11日,《纽约时报》发表了总统生命伦理委员会(Stolberg, 2002b)的一份报告的执行摘要,该报告是在当年早些时候举行的会议上产生的(可在http:www.bioethics.govtranscript.html上获得)。 委员会一致认为,克隆人类是不安全和不道德的。也许更重要的结论是,不应该完全禁止用于生物医学研究的克隆,而应该在4年的暂停期内禁止,以便有时间进行更多的公众辩论。总统生命伦理委员会的18名成员中有10人投票赞成暂停使用克隆胚胎的研究4年,这适用于所有研究人员,无论是否涉及联邦基金。委员会的七名成员认为,应该允许这项研究,但必须有严格的联邦监管。一名成员弃权。执行摘要对投票结果的评论是,投票结果的不同反映了“美国社会的意见分歧……我们中的一些人认为,用于生物医学研究的克隆永远不能在道德上进行,并支持暂停,使我们能够继续以更民主的方式提出我们的案件……我们中的其他人支持暂停,因为它将提供必要的时间和激励,以建立一个国家监管体系。”虽然美国政府支持的核移植研究已经停止,但不受监管的研究精灵早已离开了瓶子,目前在暴风雨中没有仪器的情况下飞行。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Bioethics and Law Forum*: Cloning—A Matter of Life

Therapeutic cloning, or more accurately, as suggested by Vogelstein et al (2002), nuclear transplantation, is intended to “treat a specific disease of tissue degeneration.” As its name implies, the purpose of reproductive cloning is to replicate or duplicate a human. For the purpose of this article, the terms therapeutic cloning and reproductive cloning will be used because they are readily recognized and it suits the central question of this article, which is: Can cloning, whether therapeutic or reproductive, be objectively evaluated for use? This is a difficult question to address, especially when the issue being studied has an inexorable relationship with those making the evaluation (eg, clerics, politicians, and the lay community).

Cloning, or more generally, manipulation of the human reproductive process, is mired in politics, religion, and hyperbole. One central conundrum of the ethics of cloning is the relationship between the abstraction of when human life begins; that is to say, when the human embryo becomes distinct and separate from all other life forms during embryogenesis, and thus, the moral status of the human embryo. For some religious groups, human life becomes distinct at conception, and as such, the embryo merits the same rights and respect as you or me. In the reproductive sciences and for some countries in which in vitro fertilization is government-regulated, human life becomes distinct from other mammalian life forms at Day 14, when neural tube development begins. Can a globally acceptable definition for when human life begins be identified? The answer, clearly, is no. But why not?

The ability to clone embryos has caused a dramatic increase in the scrutiny of areas in science and medicine that are already the object of criticism. To make matters exponentially worse are the proclamations by individuals who are bent on cloning for the purpose of reproducing humans. One scientist, Dr Brigitte Boisselier (see http:www.clonaid.com), is linked to a cult of people, the Raelians (http:www.rael.org), who identify with extraterres-trials. Reports state that the daughter of Dr Boisselier has volunteered to act as a gestational surrogate for such experiments. Two other scientists, Drs Severino Antinori and Panayiotis Zavos, are pursuing cloning for the purpose of human duplication under the pretext of remedying infertility. These few renegade scientists are in the minority relative to the vast majority of scientists on a global scale who oppose cloning for purposes of human propagation.

In the United States, reproductive and therapeutic cloning have become inexorably linked. This link has been reinforced through the media-covered side-circus provided by the Raelians, Drs Antinori and Zavos, and through publicized debate on the topics in the US Congress. Arguably, the inability to distinguish between reproductive and therapeutic cloning was exacerbated on Thursday, August 9, 2001, when President Bush thrust bioethics into the nation's consciousness. In his targeted speech, President Bush stated:

President Bush, rightly or wrongly, made several conclusions as proxy for a diverse American population. First, he provided definition for when human life begins and the moral status of the human embryo. Second, he took the paradoxical position (by splitting a moral hair) of supporting an investigation of cloning existing cell lines and opposing an investigation that would create new cell lines. And last, he made the two distinct forms of cloning equal and indistinguishable. In regards to the latter, one member of the President's Council on Bioethics stated for the record, “I myself do not believe that there is a distinction between reproductive and therapeutic cloning.”

President Bush and many in his party heartily embrace conservative social policies. This conservatism is often supported and reinforced by the application of religious beliefs. Religious ideology contributes strongly to the question of when human life begins and to defining the moral status of the human embryo. I would speculate that our president and those who are like-minded in the religious right define the start of human life at conception, believing that the embryo at this early stage of human development merits the same moral status as you or me. If this reasoning were plausible, then the same individuals would have to conclude that any form of cloning using human embryos is morally wrong, or their arguments would be logically inconsistent.

On April 10, 2002, President Bush convened a gathering of politicos to reinforce opposition to human cloning for reproductive or medical purposes. In a New York Times article the same day (April 10, 2002), physician Senator Bill Frist (R-Tenn) was quoted as saying, “After considering the overwhelming ethical concerns about human embryo cloning experimentation, I conclude that a comprehensive ban on all human cloning is the right policy at this time” (Stolberg, 2002a).

In contrast, Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif), part of a coalition that supports therapeutic cloning, stated, “This (therapeutic cloning) is a very promising field of research.” To ban all forms of cloning, she said, is “like throwing the baby out with the bathwater.” This statement by Senator Feinstein serves to reinforce how therapeutic and reproductive cloning have become indistinguishable in the minds of some. When Senator Feinstein's statement is reconstructed in the context of the opening question in this current essay, it translates as: How can an accurate determination of baby versus bathwater be made before discarding some or all of the parts? Alternatively, how can an accurate determination be made concerning the merit of therapeutic versus reproductive cloning when the two have become indistinguishable?

The President's Council on Bioethics, chaired by Leon R. Kass, a bioethicist who adamantly opposes cloning for any reason, convened a meeting February 13, 2002, to address the scientific and medical aspects of human cloning (transcript available at http:www.bioethics.govtranscript.html). The Council was comprised of prestigious scientific and medical experts. Integral in the day's proceedings was a report delivered by Dr Irving Weissman, chairman of the National Academies Panel on Scientific and Medical Aspects of Human Cloning (National Research Council, 2002). Summarizing the report, Dr Weissman stated:

The conclusion in the National Academies' stem cell report (National Research Council, 2001) committee, chaired by Bert Vogelstein, PhD, “… recommended that biomedical research using nuclear transplantation to produce stem cells be permitted. A broad national dialogue on the societal, religious and ethical issues is encouraged on this matter.” The conclusions made by both panels of the National Academy were unanimous.

The quantitative and qualitative data show that reproductive cloning is not efficient and often has dramatic negative results. Should these non-human animal out-comes surface in human application, one cannot help but picture the “production” of monsters. Gross atypical abnormalities have been witnessed in numerous fetal animal clones. One-third of animal clone offspring die shortly before or shortly after birth. Even those that appear normal when born sometimes die later of heart, lung, or immune problems. So, regardless of where one might stand on the issue of the moral status of the human embryo, one would be hard-pressed to find unanimity in favor of cloning humans. Thus, one can side easily with the conclusions drawn by the aforementioned panels and support a global ban on reproductive cloning. But in practice, such a ban will be very difficult if not impossible to enforce. The avalanche has already started and likely cannot be stopped, largely because of consumerism. Dr Zavos stated at a human cloning conference in Rome, Italy, March 2001, “The genie is out of the bottle. We need to make sure it is bottled and disseminated responsibly.” One can envision the purchase of a bottle containing the human clone du jour. The consumer, whether an infertile couple, a couple desiring to replace a dying or dead loved one, or the egotist wanting to copy himself or herself, will become aware that the technology exists and their demands can be satisfied. If consumers are not able to have their demands met locally, surely they will shop elsewhere (eg, in a country that lacks enforceable restriction on reproductive cloning).

At this point the global community must begin to openly address the following issues and consequences as they relate to reproductive cloning:

So what about therapeutic cloning? The benefit of therapeutic cloning remains largely undiscovered because the value will be revealed only when the technology is clinically applied. Although results from current in vitro experiments portend clinical therapeutic success, more data are needed. The United Kingdom has recently permitted cloning by special license, and only to day 14 of embryo development. With the stage set, more data will come from ongoing research in the United Kingdom and other countries with less restrictive research policies. In the United States, the data will come as well, but much slower, through privately funded research and without appropriate oversight to ensure checks and balances. The absence of government funding as a result of President Bush's ban on the use of federal dollars for certain types of research instills and reinforces the notion in lay and other communities that research cloning is illicit, nefarious, and should be considered by all as morally wrong (this was also reinforced by the president's speech on the issue).

On July 11, 2002, The New York Times published the executive summary of a report by the President's Council on Bioethics (Stolberg, 2002b), which had been generated from meetings held earlier in the year (available at http:www.bioethics.govtranscript.html). The Council agreed unanimously that cloning to duplicate a human was unsafe and unethical. Perhaps more important was the conclusion that cloning for biomedical research should not be banned outright, but rather prohibited during a 4-year moratorium, allowing time for more public debate. In a split vote, 10 of the 18 members of the President's Council on Bioethics supported a 4-year moratorium on research that uses cloned embryos, and it is applicable to all researchers regardless of whether federal funds are involved. Seven members of the council argued that the research should be allowed but only with strict federal regulation. One member abstained. The executive summary commented on the vote by saying that the difference in voting reflected “the differences of opinion in American society… some of us hold that cloning for biomedical research can never be ethically pursued, and endorse a moratorium to enable us to continue to make our case in a more democratic way… others of us support the moratorium because it would provide the time and incentive required to provide a system of national regulation.”

While US government-supported nuclear transplantation research has been grounded, the nonregulated research genie has long since left the bottle and is currently flying without instruments amid heavy storms.

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来源期刊
Journal of andrology
Journal of andrology 医学-男科学
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