{"title":"法院对濒危物种的裁决对我们所有人都有借鉴意义","authors":"Adrian Treves","doi":"10.1002/fee.70006","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>In the wake of a 2024 US Supreme Court decision called <i>Loper Bright</i> (603 US 369), many commentators predicted that the deregulatory mood of the current federal government would unravel numerous environmental protections. That decision struck down the Court's 1984 <i>Chevron</i> deference doctrine (467 US 837), which instructed judges to defer to federal agency interpretation and technical expertise when a statute is ambiguous or vague. Because statutes are often ambiguous or simply too general to address the specifics of complex environmental problems, the 1984 <i>Chevron</i> deference was invoked in 18,000 subsequent court decisions, according to one prominent estimate. The new <i>Loper Bright</i> standard replaced the <i>Chevron</i> deference with a non-deferential standard—encouraging judges to interpret statutes themselves (as they are trained to do), rather than adopt an agency's interpretation thereof.</p><p>After <i>Loper Bright</i>, legal scholars expressed concerns about a coming wave of unpredictable, chaotic, and inconsistent decisions across federal courts. With authority returned to the courts under a non-deferential standard, decisions would no longer be as predictable: some judges might persist in deferring to the agency, while other judges might strike out on their own—even if facing similar fact patterns. Likewise, chaos might ensue as judges without training in technical environmental issues hand down decisions guided too much by the influence of their individual preferences. While not immune to political or other pressures, US federal agencies are often constrained by having more individuals involved in decision-making and by legally binding duties to seek public input. To me, it's unclear whether judges are as constrained by either factor. Now that data are beginning to accumulate about the effect of <i>Loper Bright</i> on environmental policy, I offer one example of a federal court case for those of us conducting policy-relevant research.</p><p>On August 5, 2025, a federal district court judge—in the case <i>Center for Biological Diversity et al. v. US Fish & Wildlife Service et al</i>. (CV 24-86-M-DWM), Ninth circuit, District Court of Montana—invoked <i>Loper Bright</i> when explaining why he would disregard a 2014 policy promulgated by the US Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS) interpreting a provision of the Endangered Species Act (ESA). At issue was FWS’ interpretation of the term “range” to solely refer to currently occupied range, and Judge Molloy looked to both Congressional intent and the plain language of the ESA, determining that “range” should include historical range. He thus ordered the FWS to reverse course and consider the historical range of gray wolves in the northern Rocky Mountains.</p><p>If the above case (hereafter <i>CBD</i>) withstands appeal, it could ripple to other endangered species whose current ranges differ substantially from their historical ranges. Beyond endangered species, <i>CBD</i> might be instructive for cases involving other environmental agencies, because it also addressed the science used in agency decisions.</p><p>The ESA requires agencies to make determinations “based solely on the best scientific and commercial data available” (“best available science” or BAS). One of the factors requiring use of BAS is the adequacy of existing regulatory mechanisms. Adequate existing regulatory mechanisms must be present and sufficient to ensure that the species in question is not likely to be in danger of extinction now or in the foreseeable future. Judge Molloy therefore had to weigh the scientific evidence for the effectiveness of state regulation of wolf-killing by the BAS standard. Many environmental laws have BAS standards applied to regulatory mechanisms or policy interventions. Therefore, ecologists and environmental scientists who investigate the functional effectiveness and side-effects of government actions are well positioned to inform public policy debates.</p><p><i>Loper Bright</i> did not remove all judicial deference to environmental agencies. In general, judges will defer to the agency in its field of expertise—though this is not an absolute deference. To illustrate this with <i>CBD</i>, Judge Molloy weighed the scientific evidence presented by both plaintiffs and defendants. He deferred to the FWS on one scientific subject (effective population size), but not on several others (population estimation dispersal and connectivity, genetic health, and human-caused mortality). Because court scrutiny of scientific questions is likely to take each piece of evidence independently as in the above example, I expect to see more split decisions on science.</p><p>Two colleagues shared with me their frustration or disappointment that the <i>CBD</i> court did not distinguish the best evidence from less reliable evidence. In public policy debates, contested evidence provides scientists an opportunity to help the public and policy experts sharpen their skills in discerning BAS. I also expect fewer wins on the science for the current US administration, given how many federal agency scientists have been dismissed or gagged. Given the loss of judicial deference to agency interpretations of statute following <i>Loper Bright</i>, will courts scrutinize the scientific evidence underpinning agency policies more frequently? Will we see more debates between environmental scientists play out in legal briefs and courtrooms? Obviously, I have more questions than answers. Expect a reenergized dialogue between science and policy following <i>Loper Bright</i>.</p>","PeriodicalId":171,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment","volume":"23 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.6000,"publicationDate":"2025-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://esajournals.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/fee.70006","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"A court decision on endangered species holds lessons for us all\",\"authors\":\"Adrian Treves\",\"doi\":\"10.1002/fee.70006\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p>In the wake of a 2024 US Supreme Court decision called <i>Loper Bright</i> (603 US 369), many commentators predicted that the deregulatory mood of the current federal government would unravel numerous environmental protections. That decision struck down the Court's 1984 <i>Chevron</i> deference doctrine (467 US 837), which instructed judges to defer to federal agency interpretation and technical expertise when a statute is ambiguous or vague. Because statutes are often ambiguous or simply too general to address the specifics of complex environmental problems, the 1984 <i>Chevron</i> deference was invoked in 18,000 subsequent court decisions, according to one prominent estimate. The new <i>Loper Bright</i> standard replaced the <i>Chevron</i> deference with a non-deferential standard—encouraging judges to interpret statutes themselves (as they are trained to do), rather than adopt an agency's interpretation thereof.</p><p>After <i>Loper Bright</i>, legal scholars expressed concerns about a coming wave of unpredictable, chaotic, and inconsistent decisions across federal courts. With authority returned to the courts under a non-deferential standard, decisions would no longer be as predictable: some judges might persist in deferring to the agency, while other judges might strike out on their own—even if facing similar fact patterns. Likewise, chaos might ensue as judges without training in technical environmental issues hand down decisions guided too much by the influence of their individual preferences. While not immune to political or other pressures, US federal agencies are often constrained by having more individuals involved in decision-making and by legally binding duties to seek public input. To me, it's unclear whether judges are as constrained by either factor. Now that data are beginning to accumulate about the effect of <i>Loper Bright</i> on environmental policy, I offer one example of a federal court case for those of us conducting policy-relevant research.</p><p>On August 5, 2025, a federal district court judge—in the case <i>Center for Biological Diversity et al. v. US Fish & Wildlife Service et al</i>. (CV 24-86-M-DWM), Ninth circuit, District Court of Montana—invoked <i>Loper Bright</i> when explaining why he would disregard a 2014 policy promulgated by the US Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS) interpreting a provision of the Endangered Species Act (ESA). At issue was FWS’ interpretation of the term “range” to solely refer to currently occupied range, and Judge Molloy looked to both Congressional intent and the plain language of the ESA, determining that “range” should include historical range. He thus ordered the FWS to reverse course and consider the historical range of gray wolves in the northern Rocky Mountains.</p><p>If the above case (hereafter <i>CBD</i>) withstands appeal, it could ripple to other endangered species whose current ranges differ substantially from their historical ranges. Beyond endangered species, <i>CBD</i> might be instructive for cases involving other environmental agencies, because it also addressed the science used in agency decisions.</p><p>The ESA requires agencies to make determinations “based solely on the best scientific and commercial data available” (“best available science” or BAS). One of the factors requiring use of BAS is the adequacy of existing regulatory mechanisms. Adequate existing regulatory mechanisms must be present and sufficient to ensure that the species in question is not likely to be in danger of extinction now or in the foreseeable future. Judge Molloy therefore had to weigh the scientific evidence for the effectiveness of state regulation of wolf-killing by the BAS standard. Many environmental laws have BAS standards applied to regulatory mechanisms or policy interventions. Therefore, ecologists and environmental scientists who investigate the functional effectiveness and side-effects of government actions are well positioned to inform public policy debates.</p><p><i>Loper Bright</i> did not remove all judicial deference to environmental agencies. In general, judges will defer to the agency in its field of expertise—though this is not an absolute deference. To illustrate this with <i>CBD</i>, Judge Molloy weighed the scientific evidence presented by both plaintiffs and defendants. He deferred to the FWS on one scientific subject (effective population size), but not on several others (population estimation dispersal and connectivity, genetic health, and human-caused mortality). Because court scrutiny of scientific questions is likely to take each piece of evidence independently as in the above example, I expect to see more split decisions on science.</p><p>Two colleagues shared with me their frustration or disappointment that the <i>CBD</i> court did not distinguish the best evidence from less reliable evidence. In public policy debates, contested evidence provides scientists an opportunity to help the public and policy experts sharpen their skills in discerning BAS. I also expect fewer wins on the science for the current US administration, given how many federal agency scientists have been dismissed or gagged. Given the loss of judicial deference to agency interpretations of statute following <i>Loper Bright</i>, will courts scrutinize the scientific evidence underpinning agency policies more frequently? Will we see more debates between environmental scientists play out in legal briefs and courtrooms? Obviously, I have more questions than answers. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
在2024年美国最高法院对Loper Bright (603 US 369)一案做出裁决后,许多评论家预测,当前联邦政府放松管制的情绪将破坏许多环境保护措施。该判决推翻了法院1984年的雪佛龙服从原则(467 US 837),该原则指示法官在法规含糊不清时服从联邦机构的解释和技术专长。根据一项著名的估计,由于法规往往含糊不清,或者过于笼统,无法解决复杂环境问题的具体细节,1984年雪佛龙案在随后的18000个法院判决中被引用。新的Loper - Bright标准以一种非服从的标准取代了雪佛龙的服从——鼓励法官自己解释法规(正如他们被训练的那样),而不是采用一个机构的解释。在Loper Bright之后,法律学者对联邦法院即将出现的不可预测、混乱和不一致的判决浪潮表示担忧。随着权力在非服从标准下回归法院,判决将不再是可预测的:一些法官可能会坚持服从机构,而其他法官可能会自己出击——即使面临类似的事实模式。同样,如果没有受过技术环境问题培训的法官在做出过多受个人偏好影响的决定时,混乱也可能随之而来。尽管美国联邦机构并非不受政治或其他压力的影响,但它们往往受到更多个人参与决策以及寻求公众意见的法律约束义务的制约。对我来说,不清楚法官是否会受到这两种因素的约束。现在,关于洛珀·布莱特案对环境政策影响的数据开始积累,我为我们这些从事政策相关研究的人提供一个联邦法院案件的例子。2025年8月5日,联邦地区法院法官——在生物多样性中心等人诉美国鱼类和野生动物管理局等人(CV 24-86-M-DWM)一案中,蒙大拿州第九巡回法院——在解释为什么他会无视美国鱼类和野生动物管理局(FWS) 2014年颁布的一项解释《濒危物种法》(ESA)条款的政策时,援引了洛珀·布赖特。争论的焦点是FWS将“射程”一词解释为仅指目前占用的射程,莫洛伊法官考虑了国会的意图和ESA的简单语言,确定“射程”应包括历史射程。因此,他命令FWS改变路线,考虑落基山脉北部灰狼的历史范围。如果上述情况(以下简称CBD)经得起上诉,它可能会波及其他目前范围与历史范围有很大差异的濒危物种。除了濒危物种,CBD可能对涉及其他环境机构的案件有指导意义,因为它也涉及了机构决策中使用的科学。欧空局要求各机构“仅根据可获得的最佳科学和商业数据”(“最佳可用科学”或BAS)做出决定。需要使用BAS的因素之一是现有管理机制的充分性。必须有适当的现有管理机制,并足以确保有关物种在现在或可预见的将来不太可能面临灭绝的危险。因此,莫洛伊法官必须根据BAS标准来衡量各州对杀狼监管有效性的科学证据。许多环境法都有适用于监管机制或政策干预的BAS标准。因此,研究政府行为的功能有效性和副作用的生态学家和环境科学家可以很好地为公共政策辩论提供信息。洛珀·布莱特案并没有消除对环境机构的所有司法尊重。一般来说,法官会在其专业领域遵从机构的意见——尽管这不是绝对的服从。为了用CBD来说明这一点,莫洛伊法官权衡了原告和被告双方提出的科学证据。他在一个科学问题(有效种群规模)上听从了FWS的意见,但在其他几个问题(种群估计、分散和连通性、遗传健康和人为造成的死亡率)上却没有。因为法庭对科学问题的审查很可能像上面的例子一样独立地采取每一条证据,我希望看到更多关于科学的分裂决定。两位同事向我分享了他们对生物多样性公约法庭没有区分最佳证据和不太可靠的证据感到沮丧或失望。在公共政策辩论中,有争议的证据为科学家提供了一个机会,帮助公众和政策专家提高他们辨别BAS的技能。 考虑到有多少联邦机构的科学家被解雇或被禁言,我也预计本届美国政府在科学方面的胜利会更少。鉴于在Loper Bright之后,司法机构对法规的解释失去了尊重,法院是否会更频繁地审查支持机构政策的科学证据?我们会看到更多环境科学家之间的争论在法律简报和法庭上上演吗?显然,我的问题比答案多。期待在Loper Bright之后,科学与政策之间重新活跃起来的对话。
A court decision on endangered species holds lessons for us all
In the wake of a 2024 US Supreme Court decision called Loper Bright (603 US 369), many commentators predicted that the deregulatory mood of the current federal government would unravel numerous environmental protections. That decision struck down the Court's 1984 Chevron deference doctrine (467 US 837), which instructed judges to defer to federal agency interpretation and technical expertise when a statute is ambiguous or vague. Because statutes are often ambiguous or simply too general to address the specifics of complex environmental problems, the 1984 Chevron deference was invoked in 18,000 subsequent court decisions, according to one prominent estimate. The new Loper Bright standard replaced the Chevron deference with a non-deferential standard—encouraging judges to interpret statutes themselves (as they are trained to do), rather than adopt an agency's interpretation thereof.
After Loper Bright, legal scholars expressed concerns about a coming wave of unpredictable, chaotic, and inconsistent decisions across federal courts. With authority returned to the courts under a non-deferential standard, decisions would no longer be as predictable: some judges might persist in deferring to the agency, while other judges might strike out on their own—even if facing similar fact patterns. Likewise, chaos might ensue as judges without training in technical environmental issues hand down decisions guided too much by the influence of their individual preferences. While not immune to political or other pressures, US federal agencies are often constrained by having more individuals involved in decision-making and by legally binding duties to seek public input. To me, it's unclear whether judges are as constrained by either factor. Now that data are beginning to accumulate about the effect of Loper Bright on environmental policy, I offer one example of a federal court case for those of us conducting policy-relevant research.
On August 5, 2025, a federal district court judge—in the case Center for Biological Diversity et al. v. US Fish & Wildlife Service et al. (CV 24-86-M-DWM), Ninth circuit, District Court of Montana—invoked Loper Bright when explaining why he would disregard a 2014 policy promulgated by the US Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS) interpreting a provision of the Endangered Species Act (ESA). At issue was FWS’ interpretation of the term “range” to solely refer to currently occupied range, and Judge Molloy looked to both Congressional intent and the plain language of the ESA, determining that “range” should include historical range. He thus ordered the FWS to reverse course and consider the historical range of gray wolves in the northern Rocky Mountains.
If the above case (hereafter CBD) withstands appeal, it could ripple to other endangered species whose current ranges differ substantially from their historical ranges. Beyond endangered species, CBD might be instructive for cases involving other environmental agencies, because it also addressed the science used in agency decisions.
The ESA requires agencies to make determinations “based solely on the best scientific and commercial data available” (“best available science” or BAS). One of the factors requiring use of BAS is the adequacy of existing regulatory mechanisms. Adequate existing regulatory mechanisms must be present and sufficient to ensure that the species in question is not likely to be in danger of extinction now or in the foreseeable future. Judge Molloy therefore had to weigh the scientific evidence for the effectiveness of state regulation of wolf-killing by the BAS standard. Many environmental laws have BAS standards applied to regulatory mechanisms or policy interventions. Therefore, ecologists and environmental scientists who investigate the functional effectiveness and side-effects of government actions are well positioned to inform public policy debates.
Loper Bright did not remove all judicial deference to environmental agencies. In general, judges will defer to the agency in its field of expertise—though this is not an absolute deference. To illustrate this with CBD, Judge Molloy weighed the scientific evidence presented by both plaintiffs and defendants. He deferred to the FWS on one scientific subject (effective population size), but not on several others (population estimation dispersal and connectivity, genetic health, and human-caused mortality). Because court scrutiny of scientific questions is likely to take each piece of evidence independently as in the above example, I expect to see more split decisions on science.
Two colleagues shared with me their frustration or disappointment that the CBD court did not distinguish the best evidence from less reliable evidence. In public policy debates, contested evidence provides scientists an opportunity to help the public and policy experts sharpen their skills in discerning BAS. I also expect fewer wins on the science for the current US administration, given how many federal agency scientists have been dismissed or gagged. Given the loss of judicial deference to agency interpretations of statute following Loper Bright, will courts scrutinize the scientific evidence underpinning agency policies more frequently? Will we see more debates between environmental scientists play out in legal briefs and courtrooms? Obviously, I have more questions than answers. Expect a reenergized dialogue between science and policy following Loper Bright.
期刊介绍:
Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment is a publication by the Ecological Society of America that focuses on the significance of ecology and environmental science in various aspects of research and problem-solving. The journal covers topics such as biodiversity conservation, ecosystem preservation, natural resource management, public policy, and other related areas.
The publication features a range of content, including peer-reviewed articles, editorials, commentaries, letters, and occasional special issues and topical series. It releases ten issues per year, excluding January and July. ESA members receive both print and electronic copies of the journal, while institutional subscriptions are also available.
Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment is highly regarded in the field, as indicated by its ranking in the 2021 Journal Citation Reports by Clarivate Analytics. The journal is ranked 4th out of 174 in ecology journals and 11th out of 279 in environmental sciences journals. Its impact factor for 2021 is reported as 13.789, which further demonstrates its influence and importance in the scientific community.