{"title":"当一个男人说他怀孕了:说话者语境化语言理解的理性解释的事件相关的潜在证据。","authors":"Hanlin Wu, Zhenguang G Cai","doi":"10.1162/JOCN.a.102","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Spoken language is often, if not always, understood in a context formed by the identity of the speaker. For example, we can easily make sense of an utterance such as \"I'm going to have a manicure this weekend\" or \"The first time I got pregnant I had a hard time\" when spoken by a woman, but it would be harder to understand when it is spoken by a man. Previous ERP studies have shown mixed results regarding the neurophysiological responses to such speaker-content mismatches, with some reporting an N400 effect and others a P600 effect. In an EEG experiment involving 64 participants, we used social and biological mismatches as test cases to demonstrate how these distinct ERP patterns reflect different aspects of rational inference. We showed that when the mismatch involves social stereotypes (e.g., men getting a manicure), listeners can arrive at a \"literal\" interpretation by integrating the content with their social knowledge, though this integration requires additional effort due to stereotype violations-resulting in an N400 effect. In contrast, when the mismatch involves biological knowledge (e.g., men getting pregnant), a \"literal\" interpretation becomes highly implausible or impossible, leading listeners to treat the input as potentially containing errors and engage in correction processes-resulting in a P600 effect. Supporting this rational inference framework, we found that the social N400 effect decreased as a function of the listener's personality trait of openness (as more open-minded individuals maintain more flexible social expectations), while the biological P600 effect remained robust (as biological constraints are recognized regardless of individual personalities). Our findings help to reconcile empirical inconsistencies and reveal how rational inference shapes speaker-contextualized language comprehension. We demonstrate how listeners flexibly adapt its processing strategy based on contextual information, which may be part of the general information-processing principles of the human brain.</p>","PeriodicalId":51081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience","volume":" ","pages":"1-16"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0000,"publicationDate":"2025-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"When a Man Says He Is Pregnant: Event-related Potential Evidence for a Rational Account of Speaker-contextualized Language Comprehension.\",\"authors\":\"Hanlin Wu, Zhenguang G Cai\",\"doi\":\"10.1162/JOCN.a.102\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p><p>Spoken language is often, if not always, understood in a context formed by the identity of the speaker. For example, we can easily make sense of an utterance such as \\\"I'm going to have a manicure this weekend\\\" or \\\"The first time I got pregnant I had a hard time\\\" when spoken by a woman, but it would be harder to understand when it is spoken by a man. Previous ERP studies have shown mixed results regarding the neurophysiological responses to such speaker-content mismatches, with some reporting an N400 effect and others a P600 effect. In an EEG experiment involving 64 participants, we used social and biological mismatches as test cases to demonstrate how these distinct ERP patterns reflect different aspects of rational inference. We showed that when the mismatch involves social stereotypes (e.g., men getting a manicure), listeners can arrive at a \\\"literal\\\" interpretation by integrating the content with their social knowledge, though this integration requires additional effort due to stereotype violations-resulting in an N400 effect. In contrast, when the mismatch involves biological knowledge (e.g., men getting pregnant), a \\\"literal\\\" interpretation becomes highly implausible or impossible, leading listeners to treat the input as potentially containing errors and engage in correction processes-resulting in a P600 effect. Supporting this rational inference framework, we found that the social N400 effect decreased as a function of the listener's personality trait of openness (as more open-minded individuals maintain more flexible social expectations), while the biological P600 effect remained robust (as biological constraints are recognized regardless of individual personalities). Our findings help to reconcile empirical inconsistencies and reveal how rational inference shapes speaker-contextualized language comprehension. We demonstrate how listeners flexibly adapt its processing strategy based on contextual information, which may be part of the general information-processing principles of the human brain.</p>\",\"PeriodicalId\":51081,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience\",\"volume\":\" \",\"pages\":\"1-16\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":3.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2025-09-22\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"3\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1162/JOCN.a.102\",\"RegionNum\":3,\"RegionCategory\":\"医学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"NEUROSCIENCES\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience","FirstCategoryId":"3","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1162/JOCN.a.102","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"NEUROSCIENCES","Score":null,"Total":0}
When a Man Says He Is Pregnant: Event-related Potential Evidence for a Rational Account of Speaker-contextualized Language Comprehension.
Spoken language is often, if not always, understood in a context formed by the identity of the speaker. For example, we can easily make sense of an utterance such as "I'm going to have a manicure this weekend" or "The first time I got pregnant I had a hard time" when spoken by a woman, but it would be harder to understand when it is spoken by a man. Previous ERP studies have shown mixed results regarding the neurophysiological responses to such speaker-content mismatches, with some reporting an N400 effect and others a P600 effect. In an EEG experiment involving 64 participants, we used social and biological mismatches as test cases to demonstrate how these distinct ERP patterns reflect different aspects of rational inference. We showed that when the mismatch involves social stereotypes (e.g., men getting a manicure), listeners can arrive at a "literal" interpretation by integrating the content with their social knowledge, though this integration requires additional effort due to stereotype violations-resulting in an N400 effect. In contrast, when the mismatch involves biological knowledge (e.g., men getting pregnant), a "literal" interpretation becomes highly implausible or impossible, leading listeners to treat the input as potentially containing errors and engage in correction processes-resulting in a P600 effect. Supporting this rational inference framework, we found that the social N400 effect decreased as a function of the listener's personality trait of openness (as more open-minded individuals maintain more flexible social expectations), while the biological P600 effect remained robust (as biological constraints are recognized regardless of individual personalities). Our findings help to reconcile empirical inconsistencies and reveal how rational inference shapes speaker-contextualized language comprehension. We demonstrate how listeners flexibly adapt its processing strategy based on contextual information, which may be part of the general information-processing principles of the human brain.