Hilmar Brohmer, Gabriela Hofer, Sebastian A Bauch, Julia Beitner, Jana B Berkessel, Katja Corcoran, David Garcia, Freya M Gruber, Fiorina Giuliani, Emanuel Jauk, Georg Krammer, Smirna Malkoc, Hannah Metzler, Hanna M Mües, Kathleen Otto, Rima-Maria Rahal, Mona Salwender, Sabine Sczesny, Dagmar Stahlberg, Wilken Wehrt, Ursula Athenstaedt
{"title":"通用男性及其替代品在德语国家的影响:Stahlberg, Sczesny, and Braun(2001)的多实验室复制和扩展。","authors":"Hilmar Brohmer, Gabriela Hofer, Sebastian A Bauch, Julia Beitner, Jana B Berkessel, Katja Corcoran, David Garcia, Freya M Gruber, Fiorina Giuliani, Emanuel Jauk, Georg Krammer, Smirna Malkoc, Hannah Metzler, Hanna M Mües, Kathleen Otto, Rima-Maria Rahal, Mona Salwender, Sabine Sczesny, Dagmar Stahlberg, Wilken Wehrt, Ursula Athenstaedt","doi":"10.5334/irsp.522","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>In languages such as German, French, or Hindi, plural forms of job occupations and societal roles are often in a generic-masculine form instead of a gender-inclusive form. Although meant as 'generic,' this generic-masculine form excludes women from everyday language. Specifically, listeners and readers are less likely to think of women when this form is used. Due to the societal relevance of gender-inclusive language, we directly replicated and extended a classic study by Stahlberg, Sczesny, and Braun (2001, Experiment 2) in a multi-lab setting and as a registered confirmatory report. We prompted participants from German-speaking countries to name up to three celebrities each in six categories (e.g., 'Name three politicians' or '(…) singers'). We then counted how often participants mentioned women. Participants were either prompted with the generic-masculine form, a neutralized control form or one out of three gender-inclusive forms. Our data from twelve labs and <i>N</i> = 2,697 participants replicated the original effect: when prompted with gender-inclusive forms participants mentioned more women than when the generic masculine and the control form were used. Moreover, the effect remained present in multilevel models and when controlling for participants' sex and their perceived base rate in these celebrity categories (i.e., the expected proportion of women). Other variables, such as political orientation or preference for gender-inclusive language, did not show large effects, either. We discuss the differences between specific gender-inclusive forms (e.g., the internal-I vs. feminine-masculine forms), implications for regulations and guidelines, as well as implications for non-binary and gender-diverse people.</p>","PeriodicalId":45461,"journal":{"name":"International Review of Social Psychology","volume":"37 ","pages":"17"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6000,"publicationDate":"2024-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC12372777/pdf/","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Effects of the Generic Masculine and Its Alternatives in Germanophone Countries: A Multi-Lab Replication and Extension of Stahlberg, Sczesny, and Braun (2001).\",\"authors\":\"Hilmar Brohmer, Gabriela Hofer, Sebastian A Bauch, Julia Beitner, Jana B Berkessel, Katja Corcoran, David Garcia, Freya M Gruber, Fiorina Giuliani, Emanuel Jauk, Georg Krammer, Smirna Malkoc, Hannah Metzler, Hanna M Mües, Kathleen Otto, Rima-Maria Rahal, Mona Salwender, Sabine Sczesny, Dagmar Stahlberg, Wilken Wehrt, Ursula Athenstaedt\",\"doi\":\"10.5334/irsp.522\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"<p><p>In languages such as German, French, or Hindi, plural forms of job occupations and societal roles are often in a generic-masculine form instead of a gender-inclusive form. Although meant as 'generic,' this generic-masculine form excludes women from everyday language. Specifically, listeners and readers are less likely to think of women when this form is used. Due to the societal relevance of gender-inclusive language, we directly replicated and extended a classic study by Stahlberg, Sczesny, and Braun (2001, Experiment 2) in a multi-lab setting and as a registered confirmatory report. We prompted participants from German-speaking countries to name up to three celebrities each in six categories (e.g., 'Name three politicians' or '(…) singers'). We then counted how often participants mentioned women. Participants were either prompted with the generic-masculine form, a neutralized control form or one out of three gender-inclusive forms. Our data from twelve labs and <i>N</i> = 2,697 participants replicated the original effect: when prompted with gender-inclusive forms participants mentioned more women than when the generic masculine and the control form were used. Moreover, the effect remained present in multilevel models and when controlling for participants' sex and their perceived base rate in these celebrity categories (i.e., the expected proportion of women). Other variables, such as political orientation or preference for gender-inclusive language, did not show large effects, either. 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Effects of the Generic Masculine and Its Alternatives in Germanophone Countries: A Multi-Lab Replication and Extension of Stahlberg, Sczesny, and Braun (2001).
In languages such as German, French, or Hindi, plural forms of job occupations and societal roles are often in a generic-masculine form instead of a gender-inclusive form. Although meant as 'generic,' this generic-masculine form excludes women from everyday language. Specifically, listeners and readers are less likely to think of women when this form is used. Due to the societal relevance of gender-inclusive language, we directly replicated and extended a classic study by Stahlberg, Sczesny, and Braun (2001, Experiment 2) in a multi-lab setting and as a registered confirmatory report. We prompted participants from German-speaking countries to name up to three celebrities each in six categories (e.g., 'Name three politicians' or '(…) singers'). We then counted how often participants mentioned women. Participants were either prompted with the generic-masculine form, a neutralized control form or one out of three gender-inclusive forms. Our data from twelve labs and N = 2,697 participants replicated the original effect: when prompted with gender-inclusive forms participants mentioned more women than when the generic masculine and the control form were used. Moreover, the effect remained present in multilevel models and when controlling for participants' sex and their perceived base rate in these celebrity categories (i.e., the expected proportion of women). Other variables, such as political orientation or preference for gender-inclusive language, did not show large effects, either. We discuss the differences between specific gender-inclusive forms (e.g., the internal-I vs. feminine-masculine forms), implications for regulations and guidelines, as well as implications for non-binary and gender-diverse people.
期刊介绍:
The International Review of Social Psychology (IRSP) is supported by the Association pour la Diffusion de la Recherche Internationale en Psychologie Sociale (A.D.R.I.P.S.). The International Review of Social Psychology publishes empirical research and theoretical notes in all areas of social psychology. Articles are written preferably in English but can also be written in French. The journal was created to reflect research advances in a field where theoretical and fundamental questions inevitably convey social significance and implications. It emphasizes scientific quality of its publications in every area of social psychology. Any kind of research can be considered, as long as the results significantly enhance the understanding of a general social psychological phenomenon and the methodology is appropriate.