Jackson等人评论:中央集权国家区域烟草控制的作用。

IF 5.3 1区 医学 Q1 PSYCHIATRY
Addiction Pub Date : 2025-06-23 DOI:10.1111/add.70112
Nathan Davies, Tessa Langley
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在联邦制或分权治理结构的国家,地方烟草控制的作用是明确的。地方和区域不仅提供戒烟服务,而且实施重要的控烟政策。例如,在美国,地方和州当局颁布了第一批烟草法规;在中国,市政府于2010年推出了无烟法律;在南美洲,阿根廷的无烟立法起源于省级。英国的情况就不一样了。尽管引入了选举产生的地区市长,但英格兰经历了几十年地方和地区各级政府的资金削减,并拥有高度集中的治理体系[4,5]。自本世纪头十年中期以来,亚洲地区经济不平等也持续加剧。在烟草控制方面,英国的大多数立法活动都是在国家政府层面进行的。地方提供戒烟服务,执行国家政策和更广泛的烟草控制措施,不需要新的重大立法。区域项目以前由国家政府资助,通过提供专家建议、协调活动和实现规模经济来支持地方地区;然而,这笔资金在2010年代初被撤回,只留下地方联合起来汇集资源的区域项目。这使得Jackson等人对英格兰地区烟草趋势的研究结果尤为重要。从2006年到2024年,作者对大约37万名调查参与者进行了调查,按地区和社会等级建立了年龄标准化吸烟率模型。在比较有和没有专门的超地方烟草控制规划的地区时,他们发现,每个地区的流行率都有所下降,但东北地区(唯一保持连续的区域烟草控制能力的地区)下降最快,下降了13.3个百分点(95% CI = - 15.3至- 11.3),而其他地区下降了9.3个百分点(95% CI = - 10.0至- 8.5)。作者提供了强有力的论据,表明区域烟草控制在降低吸烟率方面发挥了作用。在同一时期,英格兰的经济不平等扩大了,酒精的危害在东北地区增加了,然而吸烟的流行却强烈地抵制了这一趋势。区域烟草控制如何降低吸烟率?先前的研究揭示了一些可能的机制。尽管英格兰有着明显的行政集中化,但长期存在的超地方烟草控制单位一直发挥着独特的作用。在没有独立立法机构或大量分配预算的情况下,这些团队率先制定了打击非法贸易的战略b[12],领导了大众媒体戒烟倡议b[12],促成了关于电子烟b[8]的区域共识b[8],并为地方实施制定了多年战略框架b[13]。这表明,即使在高度集中的国家,适度、专业的区域基础设施也有能力塑造烟草环境。区域烟草控制也可能在改善英国地区之间的经济差距方面发挥作用。烟草使用给家庭和社区带来了经济负担,用于烟草的大部分资金直接从地方经济中流出。最近的研究强调,当人们戒烟并因此停止在烟草上花钱时,对英格兰当地经济有实质性的好处,而且这种好处在低收入地区更大。需要进行更多的研究,以进一步了解区域烟草控制的最有效组成部分和背景。英国政府在2024/2025年和2025/2026年每年投资7000万英镑用于当地的戒烟服务。虽然没有资金直接用于区域各级治理,但在赠款的条件下,地方可以使用这些拨款来共同资助区域工作,尽管最近对区域工作的投资规模尚不清楚。需要进行持续的评价,以加深对区域办法加强地方烟草控制的情况的了解。以专家为主导,以烟草控制为重点,对次国家、超地方规划进行持续的研究和投资,可支持拥有集中治理结构的国家减少区域烟草流行不平等、区域卫生不平等,甚至区域经济不平等。Nathan Davies:概念化;原创作品。Tessa Langley:概念化;写作——审阅和编辑。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Commentary on Jackson et al.: The role of regional tobacco control in centralised nations

In nations with federal or decentralised governance structures, the role of subnational tobacco control is clear. Local and regional areas not only provide smoking cessation services, but implement significant tobacco control policies. For example, in the United States, local and state authorities enacted the first Tobacco 21 statutes [1]; in China, municipal governments introduced smoke-free laws [2]; and in South America, smoke-free legislation originated at the provincial tier in Argentina [3].

The same is not true of England, United Kingdom. Despite the introduction of elected regional mayors, England has undergone decades of funding cuts for local and regional tiers of government and has a highly centralised system of governance [4, 5]. It has also experienced sustained increases in regional economic inequality since the mid-2000s [6]. In relation to tobacco control, most legislative activity in England takes place at national government level. Local areas deliver smoking cessation services, enforcement of national policy and broader tobacco control measures that require no major new legislation. Regional programmes were previously funded by the national government to support local areas by providing expert advice, co-ordinating activity and enabling economies of scale [7]; however, this funding was withdrawn in the early 2010s, leaving regional programmes only where local areas banded together to pool resources [8].

This makes the results of Jackson et al.’s study on regional tobacco trends in England especially important [9]. Drawing on approximately 370 000 survey participants from 2006 to 2024, the authors modelled age-standardised smoking prevalence by region and social grade. When comparing areas with and without dedicated supra-local tobacco-control programmes, they found that prevalence fell in every region, but declined fastest in the North East, the only region that has maintained continuous regional tobacco control capacity, by 13.3 percentage points (95% CI = −15.3 to −11.3) against 9.3 percentage points (95% CI = −10.0 to −8.5) elsewhere.

The authors offer strong arguments that regional tobacco control played a role reducing smoking prevalence. During the same period, economic inequalities in England have widened [6], alcohol harms have increased in the North East [10], and yet smoking prevalence strongly bucked this trend.

How might regional tobacco control be reducing smoking prevalence? Prior research sheds some light on the possible mechanisms at play. Despite England's pronounced administrative centralisation, long-standing supra-local tobacco-control units have exercised a distinct role. Without independent legislative authority or substantial distributive budgets, these teams have spearheaded strategies against illicit trade [11], led mass-media cessation initiatives [12], brokered regional consensus on e-cigarettes [8] and developed multi-year strategic frameworks for local implementation [13]. This demonstrates the capacity of modest, expert regional infrastructure to shape the tobacco environment, even within a strongly centralised state [14].

Regional tobacco control may also have a role to play in ameliorating the economic gap between English regions. Tobacco use places a financial burden on households and communities, with most of the money spent on tobacco flowing directly out of local economies. Recent research has highlighted the substantial benefit to local economies in England when people who smoke quit and, therefore, stop spending money on tobacco, and that this gain is greater in lower income areas [15].

More research is needed to further understand the most effective components and contexts for regional tobacco control. The United Kingdom government has invested £70 million per annum in local smoking cessation services in 2024/2025 and 2025/2026 [16]. Although no money has gone directly to regional tiers of governance, under the conditions of the grant, local areas are able to use these allocations to jointly fund regional work [17], although the scale of recent investment into regional work is not yet clear. Ongoing evaluation is required to deepen understanding of the circumstances in which regional approaches strengthens local tobacco control.

Consistent research and investment in subnational, supra-local programmes, with an expert-led focus on tobacco control, could support nations with centralised governance structures to reduce inequalities in regional tobacco prevalence, inequalities in regional health and even inequalities in regional economies.

Nathan Davies: Conceptualization; writing—original draft. Tessa Langley: Conceptualization; writing—review and editing.

None.

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来源期刊
Addiction
Addiction 医学-精神病学
CiteScore
10.80
自引率
6.70%
发文量
319
审稿时长
3 months
期刊介绍: Addiction publishes peer-reviewed research reports on pharmacological and behavioural addictions, bringing together research conducted within many different disciplines. Its goal is to serve international and interdisciplinary scientific and clinical communication, to strengthen links between science and policy, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. We seek submissions that are not only technically competent but are also original and contain information or ideas of fresh interest to our international readership. We seek to serve low- and middle-income (LAMI) countries as well as more economically developed countries. Addiction’s scope spans human experimental, epidemiological, social science, historical, clinical and policy research relating to addiction, primarily but not exclusively in the areas of psychoactive substance use and/or gambling. In addition to original research, the journal features editorials, commentaries, reviews, letters, and book reviews.
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